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Lieut. -General Ben. J. Viljoen, 

Late Second in Command of the Transvaal Federal 

Forces, South Africa. Author of this Book. 



'Ai illLED iElElAL'" 



INDICATOR. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

THE AUTHOR, GENENAL VILJOEN. 

THE LATE PRESIDENT. PAUL KRUGER. 

THE CAPTURE OF THE IMPERIAL YEOMANRY. 

BOER RED CROSS MINISTERING TO A WOUNDED ENEMY. 

Mr. W. J. VILJOEN, FATHER OF THE BOER COLONY IN UNITED STATES. 

S^ V< Vjg Sjg 

CONTENTS OF PART ONE. 



PAGE. 



INTRODUCTION 9 

INDORSEMENT FROM THE ENEMY 10 

ORIGIN OF THE BOERS AND THEIR FIGHTS WITH KAFFIRS 14 

WHAT WILL THE FUTURE OF THE BOER PEOPLE BE? 27 

THE MOST PRACTICAL FIGHTER OF THE FUTURE 32 

OUR IDEAL CRUSHED 39 

RELEASED FROM NAPOLEON'S PRISON 43 

MY LAST DAYS IN AFRICA 47 

I CHOOSE AMERICA 49 

MY IMPRESSION OF AMERICA 55 

THE FAMOUS BOER ULTIMATUM 58 

POEM. "THAT NOTORIOUS GENERAL VILJOEN" 61 

FOR INDEX TO SECOND PART OF BOOK, PLEASE SEE CONTENTS 
COMMENCEMENT OF "PART TWO. " 



PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT 
SAID 

When asked concerning the 
books he had read during the 
past year: "Of the Various 
books on the Boer War, I liked 
Viljoen's the best."— Century 
Magazine, April, 1905; page 
952. 



^ k 

:j Publisher's Note, fe 

I """ I 

^ This limited Edition of "An L 

jj Exiled General" is published and t 

^ being sold exclusively for the bene-^ fe 

^ fit and amelioration of the many ^ 

^ irreconcilable and destitute Boer k 

T families emigrating to the United !* 

1 States from South Africa, ^ 



AN EXILED GENERAL 

BY 

BEN J. YILJOEK 

GENERAL LATE BOER FORCES, 
SOUTH AFRICA. 



^ ^ ^ 



PART ONE. 



^ ^ yJ^ 



Copyrighted March, 1906. 
by B. J. Viljoen. 



A. NOBLE PRINTING COMPANY, 
207 NORTH THIRD STREET, 



ST. LOUIS, MO., U. 8. A. 



l]BHARY7f"cONGRESs] 
Two Conies Received 

APH 2 -906 

, Copyriirht Entry 

CL/SS CC x^c, No 

COPY B. 



AN EXILED BOER, 



«<«««« 



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\ 



As I watched the sun on this evening set 

The beginning of this new year, 

I wander back, and the thoughts that come 

Bring unaware a tear. 

I think of all I have passed through 

Since last I saw that radiant hue 

At its setting a few years gone by. 

Of the joys and the sorrows that were mine. 

Of the days that were cloudy and others sunshine. 

No wonder my heart heaves a sigh. 

When it opened the £ear was stormy and dark, 

Our hearts as heavy as lead; 

For cruel the war in our own country did rage. 

And precious the blood that was shed. 

For Freedom we fought; for Liberty died, 

For a cause that was righteous and grand; 

Alas! 'twas in vain; for each uright fireside 

Is laid waste under Albion's hand. 

Ah! well may we mourn at the threshold of this year 

When we think of those once happy homes. 

Of our country that's ruined, or our heroes who fell, 

And are buried in wild, unmarked tombs; 

Of a fair land, once free, now oppressed and waste, 

Of all we lost in that year; 

Yes, I mourn, an exile, in a strange foreign land, 

Far away from my childhood's scenes so dear. 

But though darkness envelopes South Africa now. 

Her freedom is not lost for aye. 

For some day she will rally and shake off her bonds 

That hold her to Albion a prey. 

Then away, mournful thoughts, let us live in the hope 

That the day of deliverance will come soon; 

When prosperity shines on Africa's free sons. 

Like the sun on her pastures at noon; 

When the burden we bear will sink out of sight. 

As the sun of this evening set, 

To hail a new era, where again she doth rise. 

And on free soil once more we can tread. 



8 



INTRODUCTION. 



The enthusiastic welcome extended the first and smaller edition of 
this work by the public press in Europe and Africa, has encouraged 
me to write the sequel to the story which concluded while I was 
a captive in the hands of Great Britain at St. Helena. To com- 
plete this work I wrote an authentic account of the discovery of 
South Africa, embracing the tragic encounters by its first settlers 
with the British. Their subsequent rejection of English rule, fol- 
lowed by their memorable trek (move) into the unknown regions 
of Africa, encountering millions of hostile savages, exposed to the 
perils of the wilderness, seeking freedom. 

A brief view of what the future of the nation now deprived of 
their coveted ideal; may be, is also ventured. The new edition 
forms part one of this book. 

If I am more outspoken in the subsequent than in the earlier 
part of the book, then the explanation must be that the former was 
written under the severe censorship of my captors, with the chains 
of captivity firmly fastened to my ankles, while the new edition to 
the book was written in this free country, where my heart speaks 
as I feel, with memories of but a few years ago, repeatedly illumin- 
ated anew by news of oppression, hatred and desolation rife in my 
native land. I was of ttimes, tempted to retaliate against those who 
never cease their venomous abuse against our unhappy people, but 
abuse is no argument, and my endeavor is to tell a story, though 
simple, writing in a strange tongvxe, as I do, it is given to interest 
and inform. 

My earnest hope is that this American edition of "An Exiled 
General" may be of benefit and entertainment to the good people 
of my adopted country, America. 

BEN J. VILJOEN, 
Lieutenant General Late Boer Forces. 

Boer Settlement, Chamberino, New Mexico, 
U. S. A., Feb. 22nd, 1906. 



A WORD OF INDORSEMENT 
FROM THE ENEMY. 

General Ben Viljoen, while engaged on this work, suggested to 
me to write a short introduction to it. This request I gladly 
comply with. 

General Viljoen was a prisoner-of-war at Broadbottom Camp, 
St. Helena, where, after two years' service in South Africa, I was 
stationed with my regiment. It was at the General's further request 
that I conveyed the first part of this work to Europe for publication. 

The qualities which particularly endeared this brave and justly- 
famous Boer officer to us were his straightforwardness and un- 
ostentatious manner, his truthfulness, and the utter absence of 
affectation that distinguishes him. I am certain that he has written 
his simple narrative with candour and impartiality, and I feel 
equally certain, from what I know of him, that this most popular 
of our late opponents has reviewed the exciting episodes of the 
War with an honesty, an intelligence, and a humour which many 
previous publications on the War have lacked. 

During his stay at St. Helena I became deeply attached to 
General Viljoen; and in conclusion I trust that this work, which 
entailed many hours of labour, will yield him a handsome recom- 
pense. 

THEODORE BRINCKMAN, C. B., 
Colonel Commanding 3rd, The Buffs (East Kent Regt.) 

Tarbert, Loch Fyne, Scotland, September, 1902. 



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02 



SYNOPSIS— PART ONE. 

Descriptive history of the origin and early struggles of the Boer 
people. And a review of the future of the vanquished people. 

Chapters I, II and III. 

The Long Ruinous War Ends; Peace is Agreed Upon; and a 
New Epoch is Before South Africa. — My Banishment is Withdrawn 
and Ana Allowed to Leave St. Helena on Condition that I Only Re- 
main Long Enough to Settle My Affairs, as I Refused to Swear Alle- 
giance to England. — My Last Days in South Africa are Tumultuous. 
— Secret Service Agents Shadow Me Day and Night, and We Clash 
Constantly. 

Chapter IV. 

I Leave My Fatherland to Seek a Home and a Free Flag in 
America. — Unpleasant Experiences on an English Boat. — My Im- 
pressions of London. — I Greet the Statue of Liberty at the Entrance 
to New York Harbor With Joy. — How New York Impressed Me. 

Chapter V. 

How America Impressed Me. — A Comparison With the Old 
Country. 

SYNOPSIS— PART TWO. 

Chapters I and II. 
Tie Cause of, and the Chief Actors in the Prologue to the 
Bloody Drama. — The Boer Army is Called to Arms. — Picturesque 
Scenes at the Mobilization Centers. 

Chapters III to V. 

The Boer Army invade British Colonies to Intercept the Ad- 
vance of the British Forces Under Buller and Roberts. — First Clash 
of Arms at Elandslaagte. — We Suffer a Defeat and My Men Are 
Dispersed. — A Company of Lancers Pursue Me. — I Lose My Horse, 
and Have a Narrow Escape. 

11 



Chapters VI and VII. 

I Organize My Men Again in a Few Days, and Am Ready for the 
Fray. — General Joubert is Displeased Yet Over Elandslaagte and 
Wants to Keep Us Back; In Spite of His Orders We Pull Out, and 
Join in the Fighting Line. — A Successful March Into the Enemy's 
Country. — Suddenly Abandoned Because of General Joubert's Super- 
stitions. 

Chapters VIII to XIII. 
We Beat the British Forces at Colenso and Spienkop and a 
Third Time at Vaalkraus on the Tugela; They Are Driven Back 
With Heavy Losses. — I Succeed in Rescuing an Abandoned Gun and 
Am Wounded. — The British Break Through Our Lines at Peters 
Heights, and We Fall Back Towards Our Borders. — A Further With- 
drawal to Laingsnek. 

Chapters XIV to XVIII. 

I Am Ordered to Reinforce General Botha. — We Lose Pretoria, 
Our Capital, Without Any Defense Being Made Because of Confus- 
ion. — A Hot Fight at Diamond Hill Near Pretoria, Lasting Three 
Days; We Inflict Heavy Losses on the Enemy, but Are Forced to 
Withdraw. — We Reorganize; a Number of Old Generals Are Dis- 
pensed With. — I Am Made a Lieutenant General. — Our Camp Burned 
Out. 

Chapters XIX to XXII. 

My First Fight as a General Successful. — One of the Biggest 
Battles of the War is Fought at Bergendal, Lasting Six Days. — We 
Are Again Compelled to Retreat Farther North. — I Release the Last 
Batch of 2000 British Prisoners of War, Very Much AgBlnst My 
Will. — Our Government Has to Flee. — We Abandon the Last Links 
of Our Railroads and Commissariats and Decide to Fight in Guer- 
rilla Style to the Bitter End. 

Chapters XXIII to XXVII. 

I Lead a Force of 2500 Men Through a Fever-Stricken Desert to 
Get Around the British, Who Were Blocking All Other Roads. — 
I Reach My Goal and We Replenish Our Exhausted Stores from 
the Pro-British at Pietersburg. — We Arrest a Large Number of 
Traitors and They Are Severely Dealt With. — I Am Attacked by 
General Paget With a Superior Force at Rhenosterkop, and After 
an All-Day Fight, in Which We Repelled the Enemy, With Telling 
Effect, We Fell Back Through Lack of Ammunition and Food. — We 
Spend Our Second Christmas in Patriotic Style in the Field. 

12 



Chapters XXXVIII to XL. 

We Succeed in Flapdoodling a Bunch of Boer Traitors by Trap- 
ping Them in Good Sliape and Then Give Them Their Deserts. — 
We Capture a Kaffir British Murderers' Den and Root Out the Most 
Despicable and Inhuman British Fighting- Force the World Ever 
Knew. 

Chapters XLI to XLIV. 

Fights With Walter Kitchener; We Are Surprised and We 
Surprise the Enemy. — I Meet and Hold a Conference With (the 
English) General, Sir Bindon Blood Over the Vexed Question of 
Abuse of the White Flag.^ — A Captured Tommy Tells Us That Our 
Commander-in-Chief's Wife Had Been Visited by the Stork in 
Europe, and He is Surprised Because We Are Not Surprised. — How 
We Enjoyed Ourselves the Third Christmas in the Field With 
Games and Races. 

Chapters XLV to XLVIII. 

The Last Days of My Usefulness in the Field. — I Am Ambushed 
at Midnight, Shot Down, Horse and All, and Captured. — I Am Ban- 
ished for Life From South Africa by Kitchener's Proclamation and 
Shipped to St. Helena. — Gloomy Days in Captivity on the Dismal 
Rock, Where Napoleon Died of a Broken Heart. 

Chapters XLIX to Lli. 

Why We Are Justified, and the Manner in Which We Waylaid 
and Destroyed Armoured Trains. — How We Fed and Clothed Our 
Forces Without a Regular CommissariaL — My Judgment and Im- 
pression of the English Soldier as Compared With the Boer as a 
Fighter. 



13 



ORIGIN OF THE BOERS AND THEIR 
FIGHTS WITH KAFFIRS. 

The Cape of Good Hope, the most southern point on 
the African Continent, was discovered by Bartholomeu 
Dias, a Portuguese explorer, A. D. 1486, 

Almost two centuries after the discovery before any 
power actually claimed ownership of South Africa, and 
the country was called No Man's Land. 

The Hottentot, a yellow race, inhabited the country 
along the coast, while the Kafflr tribes in vast numbers 
(like the American Indian) dwelt in the interior, and 
lived principally on game, herbs, wild fruit and Kaffir 
corn ; of the two races, the Hottentot was the inferior 
physically as well as morally. 

The lion, elephant, rhinoceros and many animal spe- 
cies, now almost extinct, roamed in large droves in the 
sandy prairies (cape flats) around where Cape Town 
now stands. 

In March, 1602, the Dutch East India Company oc- 
cupied the Cane of Good Hope with a number of set- 
tlers, consisting of Hollanders, and they were under 
charge of the Dutch Naval Surgeon, J. A. van Eiebeck. 
The first seeds tliat were sown on African soil consist- 
ed of maize, corn, tobacco and other vegetables. Some 
years later, Germans and Danes emigrated and joined 
the population at the Cape of Good Hope; then came 
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, when the French ^ 
persecution took place, and one hundred and fifty fam- 
ilies of the many persecuted Frenchmen fled to Holland, 
and from there were taken by the Dutch East India 
Company to settle at the Cape of Good Hope. 

14 



The oflEicial language was Hollancl Dutcli, of course, 
and through intermarriage the small population was 
soon welded together, and before many years the French 
and Danish tongues were no longer spoken ; and the Hol- 
land Dutch, though maintained in schools, the conver- 
sational language became a distinct "patua," somewhat 
similar to plat Duitch. 

In 1786 a great number of colonists crossed the vast 
prairie known as the "Karoo," and explored the coun- 
try as far as the Orange river. By this time, the popu- 
lation had grown out of its baby clothes and had become 
a nation. They had invigorating perils with wild beasts 
and savages, and became self-reliant, irrefutably cling- 
ing to the principles of Scripture, remaining virtuous 
and pure. 

Vanriebeek, the first Governor, ruled successfully, 
but unfortunately, his successor, Vannoot, was a tyran- 
nical, stupid mule, who through his aspirations for dic- 
tatorship and despotism, soon estranged himself from 
the people. He was hated, and he revenged with bitter 
tyranny in retaliation. 

In 1795, following the example of the seceding states 
of North America, a portion of the Boers, as they were 
now known, who had settled far away into the interior, 
declared their independence of Holland and the Dutch 
East India Company. For this, however, Holland 
would not stand, and began to collect forces and sent 
three regiments, which they called the Swiss, Wurten- 
berg and Luxenbourg — no fighting occurred, however. 

The breach was patched up, and peace once more 
reigned, only to be followed soon after bv a rude awak- 
ening from its apparent tranquillity, bv the ever-hungry 
vultures who seek to devour the smaller prey without 
danger to himself. 

The happy isolation of South Africa had come to an 
end, rumors of fabulously rich diamond mines had 
reached England, and the CaT>e of Good Hope began to 
take a notable place amonsrst the maritime nations of 

15 



the earth. England thought the Cape a most conven- 
ient coaling and watering station for her ships plying 
the commercial route to India, 

The population of the new country had by now grown 
to 15,000, and as a whole, the country was flourishing. 

The settlers had trouble with native tribes from the 
outset; but up to this period no clash occurred, beyond 
isolated instances when the Kaffirs made thieving raids, 
which were usually suppressed, and the offenders pun- 
ished. 

The same year the French Republic drove out the 
House of Orange, England claimed the right of succes- 
sion to Batavia from Holland, following her usual bull- 
dozing course in the autumn of the following year ; she 
sent a fleet to the Cape, landed troops and took posses- 
sion of the country, the settlers being scattered and un- 
prepared, showed little opposition, beyond declaring 
their unwillingness to accept British rule. 

After the peace of Amiens in 1803, the Colony was 
handed back to Holland. This was only temporary 
peace, however, as gold had been discovered and Eng- 
lish statesmen clamored for the possession of the land 
that produced the yellow metal. 

Cause was easily found, through an English mission- 
ary who kept up a constant stream of complaints to 
England against the Boer people, and in 1805 the Brit- 
ish pounced down upon the unprepared young Colony 
with multitudes of soldiers, and took the country. By 
this time the numbers of the settlers were augmented 
by many German families immigrating and settling 
there. A census at that time showed a population of 
30,000. 

THE SLAVE QUESTION. 

The Boers, however, did not accept their new masters 
with equanimity, as they began at once to enforce the 
English language, and heavy taxation on the colonists. 

The colonists had bought about 7,000 slaves from 
English slave traders at enormously high prices; these 

16 



slaves were brought from the East Coast of Africa, and 
principally from Masembiqui, Portuguese Africa, by the 
same traders who brought the slaves to the United 
States. The British Government desired to set the 
slaves free, and agreed with the colonists to pay them 
back their outlay in government notes, negotiable in 
five years. This was accepted, and the slaves set free. 
The colonists did not discover until too late that these 
notes were to be paid only to bearer on presentation 
after five years in England. 

British officials in their anxiety to aggravate the col- 
onists, employed the ex-slaves as police and soldiers. 
These latter did not fail to get back at their old mas- 
ters with double revenge ; so hateful were these ex-slaves 
that a deputation of Boer elders waited upon the Brit- 
ish high commissioner and laid before him numerous 
complaints of outrages upon women and indignities 
against men. He refused to listen to the deputation, 
however, saying it served them right. 

The powerful Kaffir tribes known as the Geika and 
Galeka Nations, came from beyond the Orange river 
in large hordes, plundering, murdering and taking away 
thousands of cattle and horses from the scattered colo- 
nists. The English red coats, with their ex-slave allies, 
failed to check the savages, and not until the Boer 
farmers organized a commando of 700 horsemen and 
drove the Kaffirs back, did they succeed in s^topping tlie 
retreating British. 

It was not long after this raid, which left many fam- 
ilies in poverty, that the Boers found that the govern- 
ment repudiated payment of the notes they had given 
for the slaves, and all attempts to get adjustment failed. 

In the meantime, further outrages against the Boers 
were committed by ex-slaves without protest from their 
new masters. Bitterness against British rule grew 
stronger and the condition of the colonists became more 
and more intolerable. Courts of law were biased, and 
there was no recourse for the colonist. 

17 



No woDder tliat in 1815 a number of the Boers were 
driven into rebellion, a rebellion which found an awful 
ending in the liorrible occurrence on the 9th of March, 
1816, where six Boers were half hung up in the most 
inhuman \\i\y, and in the compulsory presence of their 
wives and children. Their death was truly horrible, for 
the gallows broke down before the end came; but they 
were again hoisted up in the agony of dying, and stran- 
gled to death in the murderous tragedy of Slachter's Nek. 
Whatever opinions have been formed of this occurrence 
in other respects, it was at Slachter's Nek that the 
first blood-stained beacon was erected which marks the 
boundary between Boer and Briton in South Africa, 
and the eyes of posterity still glance back shuddering 
through the long vista of years at that tragedy of horror. 

After two years' experience of British administration 
it had become abundantly clear to the Boers that there 
was no prospect of peace and prosperity before them. 
They decided to sell home, farm and all that remained 
over from the depredations of the Kaffirs and trek 
away from British rule. 

The country to the north of the Orange river lay out- 
side of British sphere of influence or authority, and as 
far as known was inhabited by numerous savage tribes. 
But the Boers preferred to brave the perils of the wil- 
derness and to negotiate with the savages for a tract 
of land and so form an independent community, rather 
than remain under British rule. 

The following declaration to his countrymen by the 
first Boer leader, Piet Ketief (whose name as a patriot 
and hero is indelibly engraved upon the heart of ev- 
ery Boer), issued at the time, speaks the feeling that 
prevailed in simple, dignified almost pathetic, yet 
straightforward language : 

"Grahamstown, South Africa, 17th April, 1834. 

"We despair of saving the Colony from those evils 
which threaten it by the turbulent and dishonest con- 
duct of vagrants who are allowed to infest the country 

la 



in every part; nor do we see any prospect of peace or 
happiness for our children in a country thus distracted 
hj internal commotions. 

"We complain of the severe losses which we have been 
forced to sustain by the emancipation of our slaves, and 
the vexatious laws which have been enacted respecting 
them. 

"We complain of the continual system of plunder 
which we have for years endured from the Kaffirs and 
other colored classes, and particularly by the last in- 
vasion of the Colony, which has desolated the frontier 
district and ruined most of the inhabitants. 

"We complain of the unjustifiable odium which has 
been cast upou us by interested and dishonest persons, 
under the name of religion, whose testimony is believed 
in England to the exclusion of all evidence in our favor ; 
and we can foresee, as the result of this prejudice, noth- 
ing but the total ruin of the country. 

"We quit this Colony under the full assurance that 
the English Government has nothing more to require 
of us and will allow us to govern ourselves without its 
interference in future. 

"We are now leaving the fruitful land of our birth, 
in which we have suffered enormous losses and contin- 
ued vexation, and are about to enter a strange and dan- 
gerous territory; but we go with a firm reliance on an 
all-seeing, just and merciful God, whom we shall always 
fear and humbly endeavor to obey, 

"In the name of all who leave the Colony with me. 

"P. Retief.'" 

We journeyed then with our fathers beyond the 
Orange river into the unknown north, as free men and 
subjects of no sovereign upon earth. Then began what 
the English member of parliament, Sir William Moles- 
worth, termed a strange sort of pursuit. The trekking 
Boer followed by the British Colonial Office, was indeed 
the strangest pursuit ever witnessed on earth. 

The first batch of Retief's follow^ers were surrounded 

19 



by the Kaffirs and almost entirely extinguished. The 
remaining few who eseai)ed were rescued by a second 
trek, who pushed ahead. The same Kaffir king, infuriated 
by the yet fresh, reeking blood of his victims, attacked 
the pioneers in the still of night, but this time they were 
prepared, and received the howling hordes with steady 
aim. The next morning the dawning daylight revealed 
one of those bloody spectacles which the Boer pioneers 
had so often after to look upon. 

The Boers penetrated into the interior, encountering 
the one hostile savage race after the other; lions, tigers 
and other wild animals gave much trouble. Their sup- 
ply of ammunition was very limited, and they had to be 
careful how it was used. 

The British authorities had given instructions strictly 
prohibiting the sale of rifles or ammunition to the Boers, 
also prohibiting the establishment of a Republic, even 
though beyond English sphere of influence. 

The Boer leaders concluded a deal with the blood- 
thirsty King of the Zulus, named Dingaan, by which 
they paid him 400 head of cattle for a strip of land 
known as Natal. Hardly had the families begun to scat- 
ter and commence farming when Dingaan sent an army 
wliich attacked the Boers suddenly and slaughtered over 
500 men, women and children. The followins: day men 
gathered, and after a battle lasting twentv-four hours 
at Blawkrans the Zulus were beaten and driven off. 

Only after the savages were dispersed, could the sur- 
vivors attend to the murdered people. The scenes of 
the massacres at Blood river and other places were the 
cruelest ever witnessed in the histoid of the country. 
Mothers were lying dead with the infants on their 
breasts jot alive; others were cut to pieces and mutilat- 
ed as is the custom of the Kaffirs to do. 

The brave Piet Ritief was invited by Dingaan to meet 
him at his stronuhold shortly after this, stating that he 
would now make a peace compact that would not again 
be violated. Against the wish of his friends, 

20 



Retiefj accompanied by 60 men, went to Ding- 
aan's stronghold. At the entrance the king met them, 
saying they must leave their arms outside the enclosure, 
as the conference was one of peace. 

Again Retief trusted the black devil, and when they 
were inside the enclosure, at a sign from the king, about 
10,000 Zulus jumped out of obscurity and massacred 
Retief and all his followers. 

Dingaan immediately started his army out and fell 
upon the Boer families who were expecting Retief to 
return with the glad news of peace, and who, when the 
Zulus approached, thinking it Avas Retief and his fol- 
lowers, really went out tO' meet them. 

Again, the most heart-rending tragedy occurred; 
more than 50 per cent of the pioneers being massacred 
before resistance could be organized. Relying on their 
God and shooting straight, the Boers drove the Zulus 
off with telling effect. 

This time the valiant Boer leader Pretorius followed 
the fleeing hordes close on their heels and drove them 
into Dingaan's Kraal (stronghold) and on December 
16th, 1838, defeated the Zulus and destroyed Dingaan's 
military power forever after. 

After this, the Boers established the Republic of Natal, 
With PieterMaritzburg as the capital, but their peace 
was not to be undisturbed. 

On April 10th, 1842, Lord Stanley instructed Gov- 
ernor Napier to send Commissioner Cloete tO' annex 
the young republic. Twice we successfully withstood 
the military occupation. In driving back the English 
it is a remarkable historical record that 50 per cent of 
the soldiers drowned in crossing a river in their flight. 

The annexation, however, only took place under 
strong protest. On the 21st February, 1842, the Volks- 
raad (Senate) of Maritzburg, under the chairmanship 
of Joachim Prinsloo, addressed the following letter to 
Governor Napier : 

21 



"We know that there is a God who is the Ruler of 
heaven and earth, and who has power, and is willing to 
protect the injured, though weaker, against oppressors. 
In Him we put our trust, and in the justice of our cause; 
and should it be His will that total destruction be 
brought upon us, our wives and children, and everything 
we possess, we will with due submission acknowledge to 
have deserved from Him, but not from men. We are 
aware of the power of Great Britain, and it is not our 
object to defy that power ; but at the same time we can- 
not allow that might instead of right shall triumph 
without having employed all our means to oppose it." 

The Boer women of Maritzburg informed the British 
Commissioner that, sooner than subject themselves 
again to British sway, they would walk barefoot over 
the Drakensberg to freedom or to death. 

And they were true to their word, as the following in- 
cident proves : Andries Pretorius, our brave leader, had 
ridden through to Grahamstown, hundreds of miles dis- 
tant, in order to represent the true facts of our case to 
Governor Pottinger. He was obliged to return without 
a hearing from the Governor, who excused himself un- 
der the pretext that he had no time to receive Pretorius. 
\^'hen the latter reached the Drakensberg on his return 
he found nearly the whole population trekking over the 
mountains away from Natal and away from British 
sway. 

Sir Harry Smith, wlio succeeded Pottinger, thus de- 
scribed the condition of the emigrant Boers: "They 
were exj)osed to a state of misery which he had never 
before seen equaled, except in Massena's invasion of Por- 
tugal. The scene was truly heartrending." 

Another portion of the trekkers (pioneers) had in 
the meantime fought and beaten M'sili Kaats, a pow- 
erful Kaffir king, and established the Orange Free 
State, and they were now joined by the persecuted strag- 
glers from Natal. 

The British Government sent Sir Harry Smith to 

22 



annex the Free State without any ceremony. He came 
with an army of 11,000 men. We resisted, and on 29th 
August, 1848, the Battle of Boomplaats was fought, in 
which we were defeated. Many Boers again trekked 
further north and crossed the Vaal river and established 
the South African Kepublic (known as the Transvaal). 
British authorities soon clashed with Mosesh, the Be- 
sute King, whose territory adjoined the Free State, and 
a war commenced from which England emerged with 
dishonor. After a fruitless endeavor to rule the coun- 
try, they gave the Free State back to the Boers, retain- 
ing the diamond mines at Kimberly, which were stolen 
from the Free State. The first treaty of peace was signed 
at Alieval North, the second at Zand river, but England 
never intended to respect these peace compacts, for hard- 
ly was the ink dry on one treaty when such a breach was 
committed that a second was required. 

The Transvaal grew in population, many Boers con- 
stantly joining from the Cape. 

The country, however, was financially poor. There 
were no markets, no factories, postal communication 
was primitive, and the struggle for existence was a 
tough one. Yet the people were happy and contented. 
Their ideal was attained; they were free. The Kafflr 
King Sekukunic on the northern, and M'Zilikatsie on 
the western borders of the Transvaal, were a constant 
menace, and they made the life of the people along the 
borders unbearable, urged on by missionaries, supplied 
with arms by English traders. We were compelled to 
wage a long and costly war against them before they 
were subdued. 

The Orange Free State was now again under Boer 
sway minus their diamond mines. At about this time 
(1877) gold was discovered in the Transvaal and a 
steady influx of Englishmen continued, bringing along 
with them discontent. They taught the Kafflr not only 
their virtues, but also their vices. We were poor and 
struggling after all the many vicissitudes we passed 
through. The Sekukunni Kaffirs mobilized again after 

23 



submission and war started afresh. The British, under 
pretext that we were unable to subjugate the Kaffirs, 
sent Theopulus Shepstoue on the 12th April, 1877, to 
annex the Transvaal. The Boer Volksraad (Senate) 
protested. The people protested. President Kruger 
protested, but all in vain. We sent two deputations to 
England, who returned without any success, and for 
three years we contended fruitlessly to get our country's 
freedom back peaceably. 

THE CRY FOR MERCY WAS UNHEEDED ! 

But we had to admit that it was of no use appealing 
to England, because there was no one to hear us. Trust- 
ing in the Almighty God of righteousness and justice, 
we armed ourselves, in 1880, for an apparently hopeless 
struggle in the firm conviction that whether we con- 
quered or whether we died, the sun of freedom in South 
Africa would arise out of the morning mists. With 
God's all-powerful aid we gained the victory, and for a 
time at least it seemed as if our liberty was secure. 

At Bronkorst Spruit, at Laing's Nek, at Ingogo, and 
at Majuba, God gave us victory, although in each case 
the British troopers outnumbered us, and were more 
powerfully armed than ourselves. 

After these victories had given new force to our argu- 
ments, the British Government, under the leadership 
of Gladstone, a man whom we shall never forget, de- 
cided to cancel the annexation and to restore to us our 
violated rights. 

THE LAST PHASE. 

The last period of the Boer Republic's history will be 
fresh in the minds of the masses, who no doubt remem- 
ber the Jamieson raid, England's complicity with this 
murderous expedition. Capitalism born from the min- 
eral treasures of the Republics, confronted us from the 
early stages of the gold, and diamond discoveries with 
unrivaled complications. 

24 



When they gathered wealth the British adventurers 
desired power. He found an always ready ear for his 
villiflcations in Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. The last ten 
years the cordon of beast and birds of prey was grad- 
ually tightened around our doomed people. Newspapers 
were established in the republics by English capital. 
They maligned our administration, sowing broadcast 
the seeds of sedition, poisoning the minds of the outside 
world to a breaking point. And, like Caesar, we fiddled 
while Rome burned. 

LIKE THE WOUNDED DEER. 

Like the wounded deer fleeing the approach of the 
lion, the wolf or the buzzard, our people were surround- 
ed by intrigues, vindictiveness, hatred and cupidity of 
its enemies. 

The vessels of all oceans carried English troops from 
all parts of the world to crush the handful of people. 
Even Xerxes, with his millions moving against little 
Greece, does not furnish a more unnatural spectacle to 
the surprised world than this sweet mother of nations 
holding the sharpened knife in her hands and using all 
her power, all her treasures, all her high traditions, 
to kill this poor baby crawling in the dust. This was 
no war, but an attempt at infanticide. 

And when the thought of the spectator is struck by 
horror and his brain refuses to work, then rises before 
him as a dream in the future, the scene of Bantu (Kaffir^ 
children playing in the gardens and the ruins of the sun- 
ny South, over the graves wherein the children of the he- 
roes of faith and liberty of all Europe are slumbering. 
And the Bantu bands of brigands and murderers again 
roam where the dwelling of the white European used 
to stand. And if he asks why all this has happened; why 
the heroic children of an heroic race, to which civiliza- 
tion owes its highest possessions, were murdered in this 
remote part of the world, an invisible satyr will answer : 
"Civilization is a failure^ the Caucasian has gone 

25 



under;'^ and then he will wake up with the screeching 
of the word GOLD ! GOLD ! GOLD ! in his ears. 

The orchids of Birmingham are yellow. The tradi- 
tions of the greatest empire of the world have faded and 
become yellow. The laurels fought for by the British 
legions in South Africa are yellow. But the heaven over 
South Africa will alwavs remain blue. 



26 




Mr. W. J. ViLjOEN, Sr., the Father of the First Boer 
Settlement at Chamborino, New Mexico. 



WHAT WILL THE FUTURE OF THE 
BOER PEOPLE BE? 

What will become of the Boers; what is to be their 
future? is a question frequently asked. The answer is 
not readily at hand, and the solution of the problem 
not easy to solve. Personally, after studying the turn 
of events since the war in South Africa, the mystery 
seems to deepen as to what the future of our people will 
be, and it is with a deal of trepidation that I venture 
the following view, which I fear not to say is the view 
of almost every Africander : 

The Africander Bond, the national political organi- 
zation which claimed to bind the nation in unison, of 
expression, as well as in deed, is ipso facto the only and 
the strongest factor in the South African political 
world, with its headquarters at the Cape of Good Hope, 
it guided Africander ideas throughout the British Colo- 
nies of Natal, Cape Colony, British Bechuanaland, and 
its sphere of influence extended to the Boer Eepublics. 

When the late war broke out the Africander Bond 
party, being in a majority in the Cape Legislature (Brit- 
ish), happened to be in control of the government, and 
Mr. Schreiner, brother of Olive Schreiner, the author, 
happened to be Prime Minister, being the chosen of the 
Bond party, and at the same time Prime Minister of 
Hii«; Majesty's Cape Colonial Government, his position 
was assuredly a most unenviable one. However, the 
Africander Bond was apparently our sponsors in the 
British colonies, and in fact being bound by ties of 
blood, we naturally relied upon their entire co-opera- 
tion in case war was forced upon the republic. 

27 



I remember the exchange of dispatches which were 
read in secret sessions of our (Senate (Volksraal), of 
which I was a member, stating plainly that in case we 
were driven to an unjust war by England, that the Boers 
in the Cape Colony would join us to a man. Kelying 
upon this, we immediately, upon declaration of hostil- 
ities, invaded the Cape Colony and Natal. What did 
we find, however, after crossing the Orange river into 
British territory, that on the door of every house was 
posted a proclamation strictly forbidding Colonial 
Boers to give any assistance, or even to tolerate us, and 
stating that any one who joined our forces or assisted 
us in any way, would be punished for high treason, with 
death; this was signed by the representative of the Af- 
ricander Bond, Mr, Schreiner, Prime Minister. 

This, then, was the first blow that repelled our invad- 
ing forces, and though some Colonial Boers joined us 
from time to time and fought gallantly, many thousands 
who would have joined us were afraid to do so, fearing 
the warning, with its perils, from their chosen Mr. 
Schreiner. True to his word, the first Colonial Boers 
who fell in the hands of the enemy were arraigned and 
shot publicly as traitors, so that the first Africander 
blood that was shed in the Cape Colony was by order 
and proclamation of the Premier of an African minis- 
try; and the co-operation from our fellow countrj'^men 
in the British Colonies was shattered ever after and 
dwindled down to an insignificant fraction. 

Will the Africander people ever again entrust their 
destinies in the hands of that organization and 
start the Africander Bond with a new slate? 
These are questions that confront us at present. For 
the attitude of the Boers since the late war has been of 
extreme arrogance. For this there are many reasons, the 
most paramount of which are that the nation is exhaust- 
ed after the long and ruinous war. We submitted to the 
inevitable; we did not then, and do not now, feel that 
we were beaten. The Boer has now the full measure of 

28 



the fighting quality of his conqueror, and fears him 
much less than he did before the late war. He has laid 
down his rifle in obedience to the voice of exhaustion, 
but not because he felt crushed ; lie submits to the laws 
of those who rule over him in spite of his vigorous pro- 
test ; but he does so because he is naturally a law-abiding 
people and will only do so as long as he is treated with 
due toleration. This the Englishman scorns with con- 
tempt and glaringly torments his newly acquired sub- 
jects. The Boer refrains from participating in all pub- 
lic actions and is simply silent. It is, as already stated, 
however, a silence of a long exhaustion, hut no peace; 
for have the slain no voices? 

Every farmhouse bears the traces of destruction ; 
many women in mourning still hold memory of those 
lying buried under the blue African heavens, whom 
these women gave birth to; yes, there is calm, but no 
peace. The ties of blood that bind the Africander na- 
tion together through the length and breadtli of South 
Africa, have been drawn closer and firmer, for every 
Boer that was slain by an English bullet caused hun- 
dreds of relatives all over the country to awaken to the 
realization that they belonged to a nation and that their 
enemy was a common one, and tore them everlastingly 
asunder from England and its people. 

It is an undecided question with the Boer today 
whether the late war has destroyed the ideal of the Afri- 
cander nation of a great and free people, or whether it 
was sprinkling baptismal blood on the forehead of 
South Africa's sons. For the moment it decidedly 
weighs down heavy on our eyelids, almost blinding with 
anguish. 

The unfortunate position, however, is the impover- 
ished condition in which the war left the nation; with 
a step-fatherly government to assist them, and under ad- 
verse circumstances, there does not seem to be any pos- 
sible hope of our people rebfsbilitating themselves even 
in a degree within the next ten years, in the impover- 

29 



islied and demoralized condition in which the nation 
finds itself. Our people are scattering to the four winds 
of the earth, dissatisfied, many are driven to despair 
and are leaving the land of their birth, for which they 
sacrificed so much. A considerable proportion of the 
nation has either shaken the dust of Africa, or are on 
the point of again packing up their grips and trek, just 
as they were forced to do in 1834, when the same old 
enemy's oppression became unbearable. But this time 
the great trek (emigration or move) will not again be 
into the interior of dark Central Africa to clear the 
country of savages and wild beasts for Great Britain's 
greedy wolves at Downing street, London, to follow up 
and grab a>\ay as they had done so often before. 

Those remniniDg- in the country will agitate constitu- 
tionally for self-government and just laws, against the 
present oppressive taxation; against the influx of the 
yellow peri] now threatening to strike at the very core 
of South Afri<-a's commerce, labor and social tranquil- 
lity. They will continue to claim that South Africa just- 
ly, and by every right, belongs to the Africanders; that 
tliey are the pioneers who bought the country with 
money and blood. The Boers will be patient and calmly 
endure the < ruel hand of fate; the Africander language, 
tlie Africander traditicms, will be sacredly maintained 
in S<mtli Africa, for the language binds the nation ir- 
retrievably together, and the national traditions of our 
illustrious forefathers will avoid possible elimination 
of the nation's ardor for freedom and hatred of the op- 
pressor. Many thousands of Boers are leaving South 
Africa this coming summer for the United States to 
join tl'ose who have already found homes, freedom and 
citizenship under tlie ensign of liberty of the greatest 
republic on earth, where the stars and stripes float un- 
disturbed in the refreshing breezes that nurse the ever- 
greens wliich decorate the tomb of the great George 
Washington, who delivered America from the clutches 
of the same enemy that has driven our poor people to 

30 



wander in strange lands, seeking homes and finding a 
ready welcome; thank heaven, here where a great peo- 
ple dwell, inspired by the same spirit and the same 
ideal. 

We will extend moral aid to those who remain in 
Africa, and wish them well, knowing as we do that every 
Boer man, woman and child is fully convinced that the 
day will come when English domination over Africa 
will be cast off forever. Circumstances occur in rapid 
succession in the present age. England's entanglements 
elsewhere may hasten the dawning of that day. 

A child does not walk the day it is born ; but it walks 
later. 

With veiled face and a voice of anguish, idyllic poetry 
flees before the din of battle. Will she return now that 
the rude dust of arms has subsided, now that Boer and 
Briton gaze at and brood over the graves of the fallen 
heroes of both sides, or will lions of greed, the Cos- 
mopolitan Parvenus, reign in the land w^here the os- 
trich and Koedoe roam, and the grape vine grows? 

Nations gazed with throbbing hearts upon the tragedy 
while the curtain was drawn and the terrible play per- 
mitted to proceed. All the world rings w^itli praises of 
the heroic stand the Boers made, but alas; what empty 
ring it seems! The whirlpool of might has engulfed 
them from view, down into its black abyss, whence Prov- 
idence alone may help them to emerge — who knows? — 
some day. 



31 



THE MOST PRACTICAL FIGHTER 
OF THE FUTURE. 

The question lias frequently been asked of me (since 
my experience of different wars), What I should choose 
or recommend as the most practical fighter for future 
wars. 

Of course, the army of every country has its tradi- 
tions to respect, and think their method of warfare the 
best. No one will deny, however, that the wars of late 
years entirely revolutionized all the old methods of war- 
fare, and what yesterday seemed the most preferable 
weapon, or method of attack, seems tomorrow, after 
some battle, to be entirely worthless. It is therefore no 
easy matter to forecast which branch of the army would 
be most effective and practical in future wars. 

Taking the Anglo-Boer war and the Russo-Japanese 
war as an example, one finds that the methods employed 
and the tactics followed were so widely different that 
even the expert tactician is perplexed. 

There are certain features of the latest wars, how- 
ever, which points forcibly in the same direction, and 
upon close scrutiny enables one to form some conclu- 
sions. In the first place, it depends upon the geographi- 
cal lay of the country where war is waged; secondly, 
the morale and tradifions of an army. Discipline being 
essential, will assure obedience and execution. Yet, if 
the men are fighting as the Eussian soldiers did, with se- 
dition prevalent and revolution against their own des- 
potic rule rife, there is no "morale," and no matter how 
glittering decipline may make such an army, it will 
fall to pieces, and be demoralized at the first onslaught. 

32 



In open country it requires different metliod of at- 
tack as well as defence, than is required in mountain- 
ous or broken country. Since modern artillery has be- 
come so destructive, even at long range, it has become 
almost impracticable to face a well equipped enemy in 
prairie or open country without exposing your men to 
disastrous losses, which always has a demoralizing ef- 
fect; while, if the country is broken or mountainous, 
nature supplies shelter to some degree, which enables 
3^ou to offer effective resistance, or attack under some- 
what equal conditions with your enemy. The modern 
quick-firing magazine rifle and modern artillery, have 
assuredl}^ obliterated the method of olden times to at- 
tack in mass. Yet the Japs successfully attacked the 
Eussians in mass, but I maintain that the Russian sol- 
diers ivould not or could not fire straight, as it was not 
a question of numerical difference, neither was there any 
superiority of arms. 

The question naturally arises, what should be done 
when a well equipped enemy assails you in open conn- 
try, or if you are compelled to attack the enemy in prai- 
rie or open country? Well, if you are unable to give 
battle through inferior force at your command, or 
through unsuitable geographical conditions in case of 
attack, you should put up (even only) a bluff as strong 
as you can, while your force falls back to the next con- 
venient position and prepares defenses, Avhile a light 
division covers the retreat, as it is a mistake to give 
battle when you see no probable success ahead, and it 
will be better to avert possible defeat falling back to bet- 
ter positions. We found the most successful move in 
such case, as well as when you are acting on the offen- 
sive, was to flank. Indeed, fiank the enemy's left or 
right wing, and threaten his line of communication in 
the rear, that is a tactic which naturally entails a great 
amout of risk and danger, but in nine out of ten in- 
stances it succeeds. The flanking should be carried out 
with dash and rapidity, which always inspires your 
side with confidence, and invariably confuses the enemy. 

33 



The foregoing slight diversion from the question ad- 
vanced in the oinniing lines of this chapter, was essen- 
tial before I ( onld proceed to bluntly answer the query, 
as to what ^^ould be the most practical fighter of the 
future. 

THE MOUNTED INFANTRYMAN. 

It certainly seems to me that the most practical and 
effective fighter of the future will be the mounted in- 
fantryman. There are at least two main qualities which 
the mounted infantryman should possess, without which 
he is not only a danger, but an incumbrance to his side. 
That is, he should be (1) a thorouyh horseman, and (2) 
a (jood shot. He should be at home and perfectly at 
ease on his horse, under all circumstances. 

I do not call anybody a horseman who can scramble 
oii board and hold on to the saddle and horse's mane, 
keeping on board with difficulty, looking like a German 
sausage in slack tights. Such a horseman, if taken un- 
awares with a volley from the enemy, will require about 
six more hands to hold on to his horse, rifle and hat. 
I saw such scenes often pictured during the late war, 
and I cannot recall a more ridiculous spectacle than 
what occurred when I surprised a batallion of the Lon- 
don Imperial Mounted Yeomanry, near Middleburg. 
Besides 20 per cent of their hats, they lost at least one 
half of their rifles during the first volley. These young 
men did not claim to be horsemen, but there they were, 
an incumbrance and useless danger to their side, and an 
easy mark for their enemy. The mounted infantryman, if 
possessed of the qualities before mei^tioned, will be most 
effectual under all conditions because mounted infantry 
troops in any number can be moved rapidly. Quick 
mobolization being a strong factor in present day war- 
fare, the mounted infantry has the advantage of being 
able to move rapidly from point to point on their horses, 
and to fight as infantrymen when the point is reached. 

Every soldier will admit that the infantry regiments 
generally do the hard fighting ; to dislodge the enemy's 
artillery plays a prominent part, but the infantry does 

H 



tlie major portion of the work. 

Tbe infantryman is not as large an object for the 
enemy to shoot at as the cavalry. Specially clad in a 
Kahki uniform, he is a most difficult object to distin- 
guish. His disadvantage always has been the impos- 
sibility to move quickly in case of attack, as well as 
retreat, and more so in case of a flanking movement. If 
the enemy tries to flank you with a cavalry force, and 
succeeds in turning your left or right wing, and should 
press hard to cut off your retreat, it can be realized 
what the predicament of the infantry must be, while the 
cavalry could skidoodle, it may not be possible to lend 
the much needed support to the infantry. Here is where 
I say the mounted infantry will fill the gap ; they could 
be moved from any point to check the enemy, get there 
quick, dismount from their horses and fight as infantry 
again. Often a flanking movement was foiled by mak- 
ing the same movement against the enemy, aiming at its 
opposite flank; if it does not succeed it will divert at- 
tention and give you time to prepare another move. 

Take it any way you choose, the mounted infantry- 
man is the handy and most convenient fighter, provided 
he is a horseman and knows how to shoot and hit the 
object he shoots at. 

The Japs outflanked Kurupatkin a dozen times, and 
attained successes that surprised the world. Did Kuru- 
patkin ever attempt to retaliate with the same methods? 
No, he flew and kept on flying; the Japs following up 
their fleeing foe inflicted terrible losses. The Japs 
utilized their cavalry as mounted infantry, the Japanese 
infantry seems, however, to be as fleet-footed and hardy 
as the clumsy Kussian cavalry horses, and had that 
much advantage. This was proved when General Met- 
chenko, with his brave ( ? ) Cossacks, tried either a flank- 
ing movement or a raid, and were driven back and hot- 
ly pursued b3'^'a few Japanese infantrymen. 

Another important factor is the initiative, which every 
soldier should possess. 

Discipline is imperative, I again admit, but teach 

35 



the men how to act in case the commanders should be 
suddenly killed, or in case they are surprised. If a sol- 
dier understai'ds that for any act of cowardice he will 
be shot, then the next thing is to let him understand that 
his officer can't always think for him ; that if he should 
be caught in a hot corner, and there should be no one 
to sa,y what to do, that he must do the best thing he 
can think of. 

Old generals seem unwilling to adopt new methods. 
This is a mistake, if your enemy resorts to tactics un- 
known to you, hurl back at him in the same way — that is 
if his way seemed at all successful. 

To adopt the enemy's method is no disgrace to you, 
or your army's traditions; to succeed is the thing you 
aie after, and when you have succeeded, all the other 
tilings will pour into your cup of fame. 

Another important feature that should not be over- 
looked is, to keep the impediments or equipment of sol- 
diers light. The mounted infantrvraan should keep 
thi« in mind, both for himself and the good of his horse. 

A soldier should treat his horse as he would his best 
fTn>nd. I can state from a ripe experience that a horse 
T^'ill act the part he is destined or assigned for faith- 
ful Iv to the last moment, and he is worthy of your care 
RPd kindness. You will appreciate that when he car- 
ries ^^ou away out of a bad corner, sometimes a \s;ounded 
comrnde on him beside yourself. 

I believe in a pony from 14 to 14^ -.hands high. A 
Tionv needs less food and is hardier than a big horse. 
The T^XRs or Mexican ponv will carry a soldier of un- 
der 200 pounds, farther than a big horse could. I rode 
a pony for two and a half years during the late war. 
He was twi^^e wounded, but never had time to lay off. 
He carried me throuch many uglv places, and never 
failed until hr* was shot dead under me. His height was 
14 hands. Tiu> n-hole Boer armv was, as a matter of 
fact, composed of mounted infantry, and used the pony 
exclusively. Not only did the pony need less food than 

36 



the big horse, but he is less particular about his diet, 
eating most anything he can get. 

One weakness which manifested itself conspicuously 
in the Russian, as in the English army was the poor 
marksmansliip. It is a thousand times safer to have 
only 100 good shots to withstand the enemy in a charge, 
than it is to have 1,000 uncertain shots to depend upon. 

A soldier should be trained in the art of judging (find- 
ing) the distance at a glance. This is a most import- 
ant, yet very much neglected fact. In the fight the roar 
of battle drowns the voice of the officer, who shouts 
the distance to the men, and since the distance changes 
constantly, either by your advancing or retreating, it 
is essential tliat soldiers in the ranks should remember 
through having been trained to it, that before firing is 
resumed from any position they must attend to their 
sight, 

I remember attacking a force on the march once, and 
opening fire at 1,100 yards. We advanced slowly, as 
the enemy's fire was severe. We fought sometime at 800 
yards, and as we closed in the distance became less, 
of course. Towards nightfall we rushed the enemy 
from our last positions, which was only 60 yards away. 
We succeeded in capturing some 700 men. When they 
were disarmed one of my men told me that the captured 
rifles were nearly all sighted 1,100 yards, the distance 
at which we commenced fighting in the morning. I ex- 
amined a large number of the rifles, and found only a 
few which were sighted less than 1,100 yards. It was 
no wonder, therefore, that we lost less men as we drew 
closer to the enemy than we lost earlier in the fight at 
the long range. 

I think the Russian army, especially during th« 
charges by General >Iogi on General Stoessel at Port 
Arthur, showed great lack of judging the distance by 
the defenders, as their fire was apparently ineifective, 
from the same cause. 

This is no attempt to pose as an expert on tactics, 
or an authority on military matters. But an endeavor 

37 



to answer a question and to express an opinion gained 
1)3^ experience, for the benefit of anyone wlio cares to 
consider it. 

I cannot say anytliing about warfare on sea, as I 
know nothing about it. With regard to artillery, I 
may nny briefly that your light, as well as heavy guns, 
should be equal to your opponent's guns. If your ene- 
my's artillery can fire at a longer range than yours can 
reach, tlie result is demoralizing upon your men, as the 
enemy shells your positions, while you are compelled 
to be silent, or while your shells fall short. 

Rapid-firing light artillery was our strong point, and 
in a figlit to move your guns constantly from one posi- 
tion to another, is an advantage to your gunners, and 
most confusing to your enemy. As after a short dura- 
tion of a hot artillery fire you have drawn the enemy's 
fire on 3^our guns, and to slip your guns awa^^ and post 
them, if only a short distance away, , you save your men, 
and the enemy cannot easily discover the deception. 



38 



CHAPTER 1. 

OUE IDEAL CEUSHED! 

jBriton and Boer have been at each other's throats 
now for nearly three years, in a bloody struggle; the 
former for tiie supremacy of iSouth Africa, actuated at 
lirst by tlie usual greed and British anxiety to avenge 
their defeat at Majuba (1881) and eventually to retain 
in the eyes of the world their waning superiority as 
a world's power. The Boer lighting for the only grand 
and noble ideal he ever knew, namely, "liberty," not in- 
spired by selfish aspirations to gain more, but simply 
and solely to retain that which had already cost him 
so much blood and tears, "his freedom." 

Yet there appeared no sign of the philosophical sil- 
ver lining to illuminate the crests of the dark horizon; 
the Boer never figured on his own strength to beat 
England, but he did figure on mediation from some one 
or more foreign powers. His position was as desper- 
ate immediately before the war as it was just before the 
end of hostilities, because Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, 
England's real ruler at that time, had ended all diplo- 
matic relations and threatened to annex the Boer Ee- 
public, just as they had done in 1875, when the same 
Mr. Chamberlain was a Cabinet Minister in the Liberal 
Government, under Gladstone, or just as they intended 
to do when the maniac, Dr. Jamieson, perpetrated his 
diabolical raid on the Transvaal, in 1895-6, under in- 
structions from Downing street, London, and under 
direct guidance of Cecil Ehodes, the "sponser" and 
"deux ex machina" of the thieving expedition. 

British forces were hastily mobilized on our eastern, 

39 



western and southern borders, and there was no longer 
any doubt about the intentions of our old persecutors. 
As one of the anti-war party in the Transvaal Senate, 
who exerted all human power and strength to avoid the 
contiict, 1 may state here that there was absolutely no 
other alternative for us than either to turn the Kepub- 
lic lock, stock and barrel, over to England without a 
murmur, with all the disgrace and contempt that 
would follow such a cowardly and suicidal act, or to 
tight and die with honor; yes, to put up a tight that 
would prove to the civilized world that we were capa- 
ble and justified to exist as a nation, expecting that if 
we succeeded in proving ourselves worthy of our steel, 
that one of the great nations would, at a given opportu- 
nity, do exactly what the illustrious Theodore Koose- 
velt did to terminate the Russian-Japanese war in the 
Far East. We knew of the good-will of the Irish, Ger- 
man, French, and last, but not least, of the good-will 
of the American nation. We knew that the love of lib- 
erty so strong in the hearts of every American; so 
eagerly sought by the Irish; so dearly bought by the 
French; and so strongly manifested by the Germans, 
would beat in harmony, and manifest in unison with 
our appeal to God, the Creator of the universe, before 
whom we placed our sacrifices upon the altar of lib- 
erty; and that the voice of hunumity and of right 
would lift itself in unmistakable tones that ring out 
above the power of ''might," ruin and desolation. These 
may be styled loose hopes and frail expectations to go 
to war upon ; but 1 repeat, our position was desperate 
in the extreme; and the world being aware of Eng- 
land's un(|ueucliable desire to possess the whole uni- 
verse, and especially her gameuess to attack small 
countries, we had a justifiable cause to expect foreign 
intervention; firstly, in the interest of right and fair 
play, and secondly, to curtail her dominating over the 
continent of Africa. 

At the end of three years we found our forces re- 

40 



duced from 48,000 to 19,000. Four thousand were killed 
in battle, 6,000 were wounded and incapacitated; the 
balance had been captured and exiled or had surren- 
dered. We were cut off from the seacoast and from all 
supplies, or rather, had been for eighteen months living 
and relying entirely upon what we captured from the 
enemy. We found every woman and child in concen- 
tration prisons in the enemy's hands; women and chil- 
dren were dying at a rate that if we continued the war 
twelve months longer the female portion of the nation 
would be exterminated entirely, and we learned from 
indisputable evidence that such was the design of the 
enemj^ The number of women and children that died 
in the enemy's pest camps already numberd 25,000; 
the Boer prisoners of war in the enemy's hands were 
likewise suffering from such disease as beri-beri, and 
the mortality was alarming. 

Meanwhile, the British fighting forces were in- 
creased from 100,000 to 350,000, and against our 46 
pieces of field artillery the British had 22,000 pieces 
in the field against us. Up to the time of which I am 
writing, according to British statistics published in 
the "Army and Navy Gazette," their losses were in 
killed and wounded and died from diseases, 113,000 
men, and the cost of the war up to the end of hostil- 
ities was £235,000,000 (two hundred and thirty-five 
million pounds). 

We felt that we had continued the struggle as long 
as it was humanely possible; our forces reduced to a 
unit, supplies exhausted; but the worst and most seri- 
ous disaster of all that was staring us in the face, was 
the fact that our women and children were dying off 
so rapidh^, through bad food and ill treatment in the 
concentration camps, and that we were face to face with 
extermination. While the enemy was pursuing the 
campaign wtih relentless vigor, and almost barbarous 
severity, receiving reinforcements from England, Scot- 
land, Ireland, from Canada (shame), Australia, New 

41 



Zealand Queensland India, and heaven alone knows 
from wiiere not, besides employing thousands of Kaf- 
firs to raid and murder. (8ee ofdcial correspondence.) 
We had waited in vain for the coming of a Lafayette; 
we saw our dream of a free nation slowly but surely 
crushed and banished into the dark abyss of oblivion. 
iVations looked on with folded arms while the bloody 
drama proceeded; signs of admiration for the pluck 
and heroism of the little Boer nation were unmistak- 
able; but alas, we were driven to accept England's 
terms and submit to the inevitable. 

A peace conference was held; the leaders from both 
armies were present; the British, through Lord Kitch- 
ener, agreed upon indemnity for war losses, restitution 
of the farms confiscated, the repatriation of all Boers; 
the return of ail prisoners of war, and the withdrawal 
of the banishment clause. The latter is the only part 
of the agreement that has been carried out by the Brit- 
ish Government up to the present time. Having been 
banished for life myself, I will say more about this in 
the following chapter. 



42 



CHAPTER II. 

KELEASED FROM NAPOLEON'S PRISON. 

Two months before the close of the war, or, to be 
more correct, at midnight of Januai*y 25, 1902, while 
croRsSing the British lines with an escort of six men, 1 
vv^as ambushed, shot down, horse and all, and captured, 
together with one Adjutant Captain A. J. Bester, who 
was also injured, but neither of us seriously. The rest 
of my escort were killed; we were then shipped to St. 
Helena under banishment for life. 

Lord Kitchener had issued a proclamation that all 
Boers who did not surrender by a certain date, would 
be banished for life from South Africa, and forfeit all 
their money and property, and the British kept their 
word very reverently, so far as I am concerned, at least. 
My sojourn in captivity at St. Helena is described in 
another chapter, entitled "Life in Bonaparte's Prison." 

I was a captive just five months, when the news was 
conveyed to me by the haughty Colonel Price, the O. C. 
at St. Helena, per an Orderly, who brought the very 
imposing looking document, enclosed in a long, fat, 
official envelope, bearing the insignia of the British 
Lion, inscribed with "On His Majesty Service." Being 
aware that peace was declared, I was not entirely un- 
prepared to receive almost any kind of an official mis- 
sive. I will admit that I did not know my own fate yet, 
because all the information we had was that peace was 
declared and that things had gone against us; and 
therefore being at the mercy of my enemies, it was with 
some feeling of apprehension that I tore the fat-looking 

43 



envelope open, and the following was the contents of 
the letter : 

Office Officer Commanding His Majesty's Troops, St. Helena, July 

16. 1902. 
To General B. J. Viljoen, Prisoner of War, Rose Cottage, St. Helena. 

Sir: I am directed by the Commander in Ciiiet" of H. M. forces 
in South Africa to advise you that in accordance with a treaty of 
peace agreed upon by H. M. S. officers and the Boer leaders, that 
your banishment is cancelled, that you and your fellow prisoners 
may return to South Africa upon taking the oath of allegiance to 
H. M. S. King Edward VII. You are are therefore at liberty to 
leave your quarters and announce yourself at the Concor's office 
at headquarters, between 9 and 5, any day, to have the oath admin- 
istered. The next transport boat will arrive here in ten days from 
tomorrow. 

I have the honor to be yours, 

H. S. PRICE, 
Lieut. Col. O. C. T. 

To this I replied briefly that, since I w^as an officer 
of a regular and belligerent army, I never recognized 
England's right of banishment more than a threat; that 
1 did not feel disposed to SAvear allegiante to King Ed- 
ward, and that if m^- country was lost to me I wished to 
choose a flag to live under for mA^self. Colonel Price 
called me to his office the next day ; he vras very indig- 
nant over my letter, which he thought A\as discourteous, 
and stated that I could not return to South Africa un- 
less I took the oath. After a lengthy and by no means 
pleasant controversy, we parted the worst of friends. 

About two w'eeks later I received permission to re- 
turn to South Africa, under a Foreign Immigration 
Pass Law, which was good for a limited period only, 
so that I could settle my affairs and (as they called it) 
get out. I took passage on a monthly mail steamer for 
Africa, not wishing to cause the already empty treas- 
ury any further expense. 

Africa was indeed in a pandemonium; peace had been 
declared, true; but it appeared more like an armistice. 
British troops flooded the cities; police were patrolling 

44 



the entire country, day and night; the Boers were 
sulky and grinned at the English, and openly declared 
that the British would never keep the country. Many 
promises they made to persuade tlie Boers to end the 
-s^^ar were already forgotten and denied; the country 
was laid waste by the ravages of the long and cruel war ; 
many tliousands of orphan children were homeless; 98 
per cent of the homesteads had been burned down, and 
all sheep, cattle and live stock destroyed by the Brit- 
ish troops; starvation was indeed at the threshold of 
every famil}^ 

The Government offices were full of monacled officers; 
the country was run by the army who did not fail 
to rub it into their late foes; indeed, I did not only feel, 
but I was a perfect stranger in my own country. My 
home destroyed ; my money confiscated ; no hope held 
out tliat any restitution would ever be made. Where I 
used to be somebody, I was now not only nobody, but 
I was an intruder, an unwelcome guest. Men of my old 
command appealed to me by the dozen for succor, for 
the close of the war left them without clothes, penniless, 
homeless. Many a maimed fellow accosted me; fellows 
with a leg shot off, an arm missing, and even more de- 
plorable cases, men as brave and willing to fight as 
ever lived, saying: "General, we followed you wher- 
ever vou went, and went wherever you commanded; 
here we are today in want of every necessity of life, 
helpless, under a strange government, whose offi- 
cialss scoff at our appeal for help, wanting to know 
how we could expect them to assist those who fought 
aoainst them. What are we to do?" What could I 
do?" What could I say? I shared up the little 
money I had, until I saw my own pocketbook becoming 
so empty that my own position berame critical, if not 
precarious. I had to decide what my own future plans 
would be, and my decision had to be made very soon. 
The repose allowed me in the land of my birth, at my 
childhood's home, would soon run out. Unless I decid- 

45 



ed to become a Britisher and live in the shimmering re- 
flections of "Johuuj Bulls," "Union Jack," I would 
soon be ]>ut out without ceremony. 

The more I saw of my poor old ruined country — of 
mj' dejected and crushed countrymen — domineered over 
by Mr. Rudyard Kipling's "Flanneled Fools," with the 
monacle, the more repulsive it all became. I felt my 
helplessness; I could do my people absolutely no good; 
under these circumstances what was the best step to 
take? Which flag shall I choose? What country shall 
T adopt? And I wonder after I have chosen, will that 
country ado'pt me? 



46 



CHAPTER IIL 

MY LAST DAYS IN AFRICA. 

I always thought it an honor, even under the pe- 
culiar circumstances, to be imprisoned on the same 
desolate island, by the same enemy as that greatest 
soldier the world ever knew. Emperor Napoleon; and 
often during my captivity my captors made me feel 
the pangs of humiliation and indignity, just as it was 
heaped upon Napoleon by that British cad. Sir Hudson 
Lowe, 83 years ago. 

I could easily realize the feelings of Sir Hudson 
Lowe's victim, as the isolation on that dismal rock, 
coupled with revengeful treatment, was eating his 
heart away; and he exclaimed in despair, "I am dying 
chained to this rock which they call an English prison ; 
it is nothing less than murder." I do not aspire to 
my comparison with the great soldier's position, but in 
one instance I was more fortunate than Napoleon; I 
got away from St. Helena alive. 

Having succeeded in getting away, as I did, from 
captivity, my troubles did not end there, however. 
The price asked for the privilege to remain in South 
Africa, my own home, was to become an English sub- 
ject, swear allegiance to Albion, and sing "God Save 
the King." Having considered and decided ne'ver to 
commit such an outrage to my heart's dictation, which 
would be nothing short of perjury, I was given time 
to leave the country. While endeavoring to regain 
scraps of my looted possessions, and preparing to 
leave South Africa forever, I was constantly followed 
and shadowed by detectives — why, I never knew, un- 

47 



less they thought tliat I aa as j2;oing to steal the country 
and carry it away. 

When I registered at a hotel a detective would 
register with me; whe^i a seat was given me at the 
dinner table, a detective would manipulate things so 
that he would sit at the same or the next table; if I 
engaged in conversation, either in or outdoors, the same 
gentleman would be crouching around near enough 
to overhear me. 

On several occasions 1 succeeded in shaking Mr. 
Sherlock Holmes, by jumping into a hansom (cab) 
and ordering the driver to hurry off. It would not be 
many hours, liowever, before my shadowers would dis- 
cover me. Sometimes they would come unexpectedly 
upon me, and their embarrassment would be so glaring 
that they had to apologize for their clumsiness. The 
excessive zeal of my persecutors became so obnoxious 
that I was 'ompelled to complain to the authorities, 
who simply shrugged their shoulders in the French 
style, and seemed unwilling, or unable, to prevent the 
annoyance. 

Life, therefore, became so exasperating that I cut 
short the respite granted. 



48 



CHAPTER IV. 

I CHOOSE AMERICA. 

My last days in dear old Africa were of such a tu- 
multuous nature, and made so unpleasant that it 
rather hastened my decision whither to wend my foot- 
steps. Of one fact I had no doubt, and that was that 
England would never pacify the Boers, because their 
officials were discourteous, undiplomatic, and revenge- 
ful to a standstill. 

It was about the month of September, 1902, when I 
said farewell to home and country. I took passage on 
a Castle line mail steamer at the Cape of Good Hope, 
the same point where my ancestors landed and founded 
the first settlement of white people in South Africa 
200 years before. As I stood on the deck of the large 
steamer, now gliding forth at a rapid pace, carrying 
me away from the country I called my own all my life, 
exiled forever, I could not restrain a sigh, a tear; yes, 
some tears. A feeling of remorse seemed to be natural 
when memories of the past and present floated through 
my mind. 

Two hundred years ago my forefathers were banished 
from France under the edict of Nantes. They were 
Huguenots and were driven out of France, and picked 
up by the old Dutch East India Company, who thought 
them desirable settlers, took them to the Cape of Good 
Hope. Two hundred years have passed since then, two 
hundred years of unceasing struggle against wild 
beasts, Kaffer nations, and last, but not least, against 
English rule. 

Here was their descendant, two hundred years later, 

49 



driven from the land tlie^' explored and made out of a 
roaminj^ wilderness into ^ beautiful country. 

I watched the now fast disappearing mainland, the 
looming peaks of the Table mountain, the imposing 
Lionstail towering in majestic splendor above the 
mountain ranges overlooking Cape Town. The even- 
ing sun would soon sink into the waterv horizon and 
was vainly making a last attempt to illuminate the 
mountain peaks with its shimmering rays of gold. As 
I stood there I think I looked like an infant forcibly 
removed from the mother's breast; I don't think I 
ever moved from the spot, until all was enveloped in 
darkness, when, with a last adieu to Africa, I turned 
for the first time. The deck was already deserted, and 
I found myself alone with the deck steward. I ascer- 
tained from him that everybody had gone down to din- 
ner. Not being in any kind of mood, I retreated to 
my cabin. 

The next day I learned from the servants that every 
one of the 400 passengers were English ; that every in- 
dividual, including the Colonels, Captains and cads 
had recognized me as the irreconcilable General who 
refused to accept English Plum "Puddin." 

r was soon forcibly made aware of the truth, for no 
sooner was breakfast over and everybody on deck than 
dozens of cameras were leveled on me. This was kept 
up in spite of my annoyance, which I did not fail to 
demonstrate, until I think everybody on board had 
snapshotted me in all possible poses. I complained 
to the Captain about the annoyance, but he thought 
T should be pacified by the idea that it was because of 
my prominence. To this I answered, "Fudge." 

Before many days had passed I learned the truth 
about the cause for the vulgarity, specially shown by 
the male portion of the passengers. They all knew that 
I was leaving South Africa because of my refusal to 
affiliate with the new government; and they thought 
I was a fool for refusing to accept such a glorious, 
blood-stained flag! They therefore decided that I was 

50 



an outcast anyway, and therefore heaped insult upon 
me as a last revenge. 

Knowing the Britishers, their character, traditions, 
and their language as I do, it did not surprise me to 
find the caddish prejudice of my English friends mani- 
festing itself in such undisguised manner. Worst 
among my fellow passengers were the "Hinglish Hof- 
ficers" who were going home on leave of absence. 

Of course my experience on the voyage did not im- 
prove my feelings toward the British, and I become 
more determined than ever to go where I would never 
see an English flag again. The United States of 
America was my choice, though never having been 
there before I knew the history of the country fairly 
well. Every Boer knows all about George Washington, 
and how he whipped the English, and we always imag- 
ined that the American people are imbued by the same 
spirit and love of independence, living in a Eepublic. 
Having fought themselves free from English fetters, 
so that I could not go wrong by striking out for 
Amercia. 

Since I was a kind of Jonah man on the boat the 
voyage, though lasting eighteen days, was most disin- 
teresting, and it was with a sigh of relief that I greeted 
Southampton, where I would transfer on an American 
liner for New York. A few days to see England, since 
I had the occasion to be right there, was sufficient. I 
saw London and its fog, which grows so dense at 10 
o'clock in the morning that the hack drivers are com- 
pelled to use lanterns at the end of the pole between 
the horses' heads to avoid collisions. 

I saw the traditional street bus dragged by two 
horses, utilized in place of the modern street cars of 
other cities. I saw Westminster Abbey, where lies the 
remains of England's dead rulers and nobility. I saw 
the exterior of Buckingham Palace, King Edward's 
home, and Rotten Row, the palatial mansions of the 
English millionaires; and the House of Parliament. I 
saw the Government officers on Downing street, where 

51 



the Imperial Policy for its home, as well as Foreign 
possessions are directed from. I drove through White 
Chapel and the West End, where I saw more poverty 
and distress in one hour than I had seen in all my life. 
I spoke to a West End cockney, who begged me for two- 
pence to buy bread for his wife and chickens, as he 
called them. In answer to my question as to what he 
thought of the war in Africa, he said, "Where the 'ell 
is Hafrica?" Then with a sudden change of counte- 
nance he remembered, "Ah, yes; flghtin' them Bohrs, 
'aint it?" I said that such was the case. "Ah well," 
he said, "we blokes aint knowed nothin' anyhow; many 
regiments went there with a 'ell of a hellybaloo, and I 
aint seed but a few comes back limpin'; them's things 
you better spoke about to some big bloke," But I pro- 
tested, "Now see here, I have given you sixpence in- 
stead of two; you must not be so short with me; tell 
me what you people think about the Boers." The 
cockney warmed up, put his unwashed hand on my 
knee. "Well," he commenced, "bless yer 'art sor, I 
meant no hoffence to yes; if it'll please yer, I could 
spake to yer all day. Well, sir, it's this way, we 'eard 
that them Bohrs are a mane crew of 'alf civilized fel- 
fei's who kills Ainglishmen to eat them, and that this 
'ere Government of hours are just now tryin' to trim 
them up for to become civilized loike we are!" "And 
don't you know any other reason that caused the war?" 
I asked. "Lord no," he answered. "I never knowed 
that there was any need for old Aingland to 'ave any 
other cause to go and wip any counthry." "Well, one 
more question," I said. "Are you happy under this 
glorious English flag?" This question was too dis- 
concerting, it seemed, as my amiable Briton scratched 
his head and thought for a long time before he said, 
"I don't hunderstand, sor," And I gave him up, be- 
cause surely he could not understand. 

A week later I was crossing the Atlantic on a Ounard 
liner to New York. I looked forward with great ex- 
pectations to the day that I would step on the free soil 

52 



of America; and though my fellow passengers on this 
ship were mostly American tourists, jovial fellows, 
yet the eight days' voyage seemed very long. I suppose I 
was impatient, as I felt lost and lonely. My heart gave 
a leap when the New York harbor was sighted. As 
I looked from the ship's bridge over the great expanse 
of water, the enormous city shot into view; for the 
first time I beheld the wonderful sky scrapers, the im- 
posing statute of Liberty, at the entrance to the har- 
bor, which impressed me with more force than any- 
thing else I saw. How fortunate I thought I was to 
be able to seek refuge in a country where the image of 
the Virgin of Liberty greets you at the entrance to its 
portals. 

An American who stood near me, and with whom I 
had conversed before, but who did not know my iden- 
tity, said to me in friendly tones: "I guess you have 
been away a long time, and must be mighty glad to 
get back; I see your eyes are full of tears." 

"Well," I replied, wiping my eyes, as my feelings 
had overmastered me, "I am to land here for the first 
time today." Giving him my card, I explained to him 
that I was an exile seeking a home. His heart seemed 
to open to me; he took my hand in both his and said, 
"General, I welcome you to America, and I know that 
the hearts and homes of our people are open to you." 
I thanked him warmly, because his spontaneous wel- 
come was certainly agreeable and reassuring to me. 

New York was a wonderful revelation, coming from 
Africa, after visiting England's greatest city, where 
everything moves slowly, where the street traffic is con- 
ducted just as it was done a hundred years ago, where 
the bus driver yawns, half asleep, and the hotel por- 
ters walk as if to the beat of the dead march in Saul, 
when moving among the guests. In New York, where 
the elevated cars fly over your head, the sub-railway 
shoots underneath you through the city like lightning, 
and the street cars continually rush, all carrying the 

53 



thousands, or rather millions, of hurrying, busy New 
Yorkers to and from their places of business; where 
everybody, no matter whether rich or poor, or in what 
station of life, walks with heads erect and satisfied 
countenances. The depressed expression on the faces 
of the British working classes is not visible here, and 
everybody and everything goes with a swing. 



54 



CHAPTER V. 

MY IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 

What first impressed me as in striking contrast with 
the old country, was the stupendiously high buildings 
of New York city. The enormous rush of traffic. The 
hurry and bustle of men and women, all the people on 
the streets, seemed to have just a few minutes left to 
catch the train. Here there seemed to be a remarkable 
absence of poverty, among the vast population of this 
world city. 

The first morning after my arrival, while on an ele- 
vated car towards the Battery, it was observable that 
every individual on the crowded car was deeply in- 
terested reading the morning papers; men and women 
apparently in all walks of life, from the Wall street 
banker to the factory girl. 

Returning on the Subway (or underground) cars 
in the evening the same sight meets the eye. Every- 
body was busily perusing the evening papers. As a 
casual observer of human character, it seemed unusual 
after visiting the greatest city of Europe to find 
such interest demonstrated in the happenings of the 
world, by even the simple people of the country. 

No wonder the American is different, he has the 
energy to acquaint himself with what occurs every 
day. Is posted on national as well as foreign questions. 
That is, I think, one of the strongest factors to make 
a nation bright, self-reliant and independent in its 
ideas. 

It was not long before I had almost forgotten I was 
a stranger in a strange land. While in England one 

55 



is made to feel, before one sets foot there many hours, 
that you are a foreigner, a kind of intruder. English- 
men are slow, consei-yative and they do not fail to 
make one ^\'ho happens there from abroad, feel that 
the language, atmosphere, sky, sun and moon, are all 
owned and controlled b^^ John Bull. God hrst made 
England, and Englishmen, later in his spare time the 
other bit of earth, and its few inhabitants. 

In America, with the Nation composed of so many 
nationalities, all proud and avowed Americans, speak- 
ing all the languages under the sun, worshipping 
whichever denomination they wish. It seems that the 
race for life is an open one to all comers (except the 
Chinamen, thank God). That everybody has an equal 
or even start in the run, no favoritism being shown, 
and that it all depends entirely upon the individual's 
energy, and enterprise, to reach the goal of success. The 
Government being from the people, for the people, and 
by the people, no wonder then, that this is a great 
country and a great nation. 

Though these lines are describing the impressions 
of my first days in America, I may be forgiven the au- 
dacity to observe, that there are a few symptoms of 
possible growing danger to national safety; which may 
well be eliminated. Firstly. The giving of power to 
commercial trust, thereby permitting the concentration 
of political, as well as financial power to the control 
of a nominal few. Secondly. Imperialism ! The most 
inoffensive looking microbe, but unquestionably the 
most dangerous enemy to a Republic. I am too young 
a citizen, however, to venture into politics. Besides, 
I am trying to tell a story pure and simple. The ab- 
solute freedom of action of the American, and especial- 
ly of the American woman, is a strong contrast with 
the customs and mannerisms of other peoples. Abroad 
men do not seem to realize that "Jack is as good as his 
master." There people are dominated over by the no- 
bility, King's, Czars, Emperors and things. People are 
devided into, as near as I can remember, four classes. 

56 



The nobility, the aristocracy or upper class, the middle 
class, and lower class, or the laborers. 

Respectable women in the civilized city of London, 
for instance, are as unsafe on the streets after dusk, 
as she would be in the wilds of Africa. A woman 
never travels alone in England or Europe, because it 
is considered unsafe. A woman in Europe without 
an escort could not obtain accommodations at a hotel. 
The women, I dare say, through this peculiar condition 
of things, do not have the independence that their 
American sisters possess, and makes the chaperone 
an absolute necessity, while over here American chival- 
ry makes such precautions unnecessary. Many a time 
I have heard foreigners when first landing in this coun- 
try remark that the women seemed sw very "manish," 
because they were moving about anywhere and every- 
where with entire confidence, which was so different 
from the ways of the timid English girl. 

Like Mr. Eider Haggard, the much-opinioned English 
author, I also noticed the noises of the city. Contrary to 
London or other European cities. But I also noticed that 
here there was something doing, and what was being 
done was done with a go, in disregard of the susceptibili* 
ties of sensitive cranks or nervous old authors. 

Mr. Haggard was also shocked at what he calls the 
American way of talking loud and knocking at doors 
loud, ringing fire alarm bells loud. But then Mr. Rider 
Haggard is English. 



57 



THE FAMOUS BOER ULTIMATUM. 

The followiug document, beiug the last official in- 
strument signed and executed by our late worthy 
President, Mr. Kruger, and being now of historical 
value, I thought might be of interest to the reader; 
not only as a document signed by one of the most re- 
markable men of his time, but itself being a remarkable 
historical document. The British never got over the 
fact that such a small nation would dare to serve an 
ultimatum on the great and only John Bull. 

October 9, 1899. 
Following full text of Note, received from Government South 
African Republic, bearing date of today, begins: — 

Sir. — Government South African Republic feels itself compelled 
to refer the Government of Her Majesty the Queen of Great 
Britain and Ireland once more to the Convention of 1881, con- 
cluded between this Republic and the United Kingdom, and which 
in its 14th Article secures certain specified rights to the white 
population of this Republic, namely, that (here follows Article 14 
of Convention of London, 1884). This Government wishes further 
to observe that the above are only rights which Her Majesty's 
Government have reserved in the above Convention with regard 
to the uitlander population of this Republic, and that the violation 
only of those rights could give that Government a right to dip- 
lomatic representation or intervention, while, moreover, the regu- 
lation of all other questions affecting the position or the rights of 
the uitlander population under the above-mentioned Convention 
is handed over to the Government and the representatives of the 
people of the South African Republic. 

Amongst the questions the regulation of which falls exclusively 
within the competence of this government and of the Volksraad 
are included those of the franchise and representation of the 
people in this Republic, and although thus the exclusive right of 
this Government and of the Volksraad for the regulation of that 
franchise and representation is indisputable, yet this Government 
has found occasion to discuss in a friendly fashion the franchise 
and the representation of the people with Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment without, however, recognizing any right thereto on the part 

58 




The Late Mr. Paul Kruger, 

President of the Transvaal Republic, the Washington of- 

THE Boers, Who Died an Exile in Holland, 1904. 



of Her Majesty's Government. This Government has also by the 
formulation of the now existing Franchise Law and the resolution 
with regard to representation constantly held these friendly dis- 
cussions before the eyes. On the part of Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment, however, the friendly nature of these discussions has as- 
sumed a more and more threatening tone, and the minds of the 
people in this Republic and in the whole of South Africa have 
been excited and a condition of extreme tension has been created, 
while Her Majesty's Government could no longer agree to the leg- 
islation respecting franchise, and the resolution respecting repre- 
sentation in this Republic, and finally by your Note of September 
25, 1899, broke off all friendly correspondence on the subject, and 
intimated that they must now proceed to formulate their own pro- 
posals for a final settlement, and this Government can only see 
in the above intimation from Her Majesty's Government a new 
violation of the Convention of London of 1884, which does not 
reserve to Her Majesty's Government, the right to a unilateral 
settlement of a question which is exclusively a domestic one for 
this Government and has already been regulated by it. 

On account of the strained situation and the consequent serious 
loss in and interruption of trade in general, which the corre- 
spondence respecting the franchise and representation in this Re- 
public carried in its train. Her Majesty's Government have re- 
cently pressed for an early settlement, and finally pressed by your 
intervention for an answer within forty-eight hours (subsequently 
somewhat modified) to your Note of the 12th September, replied 
to by the Note of this Government of the 15th September, and 
your Note of the 25th September, 1899, and thereafter further 
friendly negotiations broke off, and this Government received the 
intimation that a proposal for a fxual settlement would shortly be 
made, but although this promise was once more repeated, no pro- 
posal has up to now reached this Government. Even while friendly 
correspondence was still going on an increase of troops on a large 
scale was introduced by Her Majesty's Government and stationed 
in the neighborhood of the borders of this Republic. Having regard 
to occurrences in the history of this Republic which it is unneces- 
sary here to call to mind, this Government feels obliged to regard 
this military force in the neighborhood of its borders as a threat 
against the independence of the South African Republic, since it 
was aware of no circumstances which could justify the presence of 
any such military force in South Africa and in the neighborhood 
of its borders. In answer to an enquiry with respect thereto, ad- 
dressed to His Excellency the High Commissioner, this Govern- 
ment received to its great astonishment in answer a veiled insinua- 
tion that from the side of the Republic (van Republickansche zeyde) 
an attack was being made on Her Majesty's Colonies, and at the 
same time a mysterious reference to possibilities, whereby it was 
strengthened in its suspicion that the independence of this Republic 
was ibeing threatened. As a defensive measure, it was therefore 
obliged to send a portion of the burghers of this Republic in order 
to offer the requisite resistance to similar possibilities. Her Ma- 
jesty's unlawful intervention in the internal affairs of this Repub- 
lic, in conflict with the Convention of London, 1884, caused by 

59 



the extraordinary strengthening of troops in the neighborhood of 
the borders of this Republic, has thus caused an intolerable condi- 
tion of things to arise whereto this Government feels itself obliged 
in the interest not only of this Republic but also of all South Africa 
to make an end as soon as possible, and feels itself called upon and 
obliged to press earnestly and with emphasis on Her Majesty's 
Government for the immediate termination of this state of things, 
and to request Her Majesty's Government to give it the assurance 

(a) That all points of mutual difference shall be regulated by 
the friendly course of arbitration or by whatever amica- 
ble way may be agreed upon by this Government with 
Her Majesty's Government. 

(b) That the troops on the borders of this Republic shall be 
instantly withdrawn. 

(c) That all reinforcements of troops which have arrived in 
South Africa since the 1st June, 1899, shall be removed 
from South Africa within a reasonable time to be agreed 
upon with this Government, and with a mutual assur- 
ance and guarantee on the part of this Government that 
no attack upon or hostilities against any portion of the 
possessions of the British Government shall be made by 
The Republic during further negotiations, within a period 
of time to be subsequently agreed upon between the Gov- 
ernments, and this Government will, on compliance there- 
with, be prepared to withdraw the armed burghers of 
this Republic from the borders. 

(d) That Her Majesty's troops which are now on the high 
seas shall not be landed in any port of South Africa. 

This Government must press for an immediate and affirmative 
answer to these four questions, and earnestly requests Her Ma:; 
jesty's Government to return such answer before or upon Wed- 
nesday, 11th October, 1899, not later than five o'clock p. m., and 
it desires further to add that in the event of unexpectedly no an- 
swer being received by it within that interval, it will with great 
regret be compelled to regard the action of Her Majesty's Gov- 
ernment as a formal declaration of war, and will not hold itself 
responsible for the consequences thereof, and that in the event of 
any further movement of troops taking place within the above- 
mentioned time in the nearer direction of our borders, this Gov- 
ernment will be compelled to regard that also as a formal dec- 
laration of war. — I have, etc., 

(Signed) 

S. J. P. KRUGER, 
President. 
F. W. REITZ, 

State Secretary. 



60 



THAT NOTORIOUS GENERAL 
ViLJOEN. 

Winston Churchill, M. P. and War Correspondent In South 
Africa during the Anglo-Boer War, reporting the Battle of Vaalkraus 
in which General Viljoen defeated Sir Redvers Buller on the Tugela 
river on 5th of February, 1900, says: "A Maxim-Vickers gun aban- 
doned by the Boers in a dongo (canyon) was about to fall into Brit- 
ish hands, when that notorious, fearless Viljoen himself brought 
back a team of horses and escaped with the gun, threading his way 
between the red flashes and black clouds of lyddite shells which 
the British artillery concentrated on him — a feat that, were it done 
by a British offlcer, he would assuredly be covered with decora- 
tions." 

Captain A. E. Lynch, U. S. A., composed and published in a 
Western paper during the African War. 

"It was a splendid feat of arms." 
Now "that notorious Viljoen," 

With a span of spanking mares, 
Which erstwhile used to cleave the veldt 

With Blade of peaceful shares, 
Comes dashing down the donga. 

Where the Maxim-Vickers lay 
Abandoned to th' advancing foe 

And soon to be their prey. 
To earth he leaps and cuts it loose, 

While lies the old team slain; 
In spans the new one quickly, 

Unheeding shrapnel rain. 
For, as they mark his object, 

Each British gunner turns 
His sights upon "that Boer" 

Who life and safety spurns. 

61 



Loud shriek the flying missiles; 

The air with flame's alight; 
The earth is black with lyddite smoke, 

Or with the dust clouds white, 
But surely God is with him 

As he gallops back and forth 
And scathless treads, mid bursting shells, 

His pathless journey north. 
Safely behind a kopje 

He swing, 'long with that gun; 
Ere night, four hundred of the foes 

Have joined the lonely one. 

^ >i< :|i 

And yet, though t'was "a splendid feat 

Of arms" that hero wrought. 
He's a "notorious Boer" 

That he for Freedom fought. 
But long such titles have been held 

The patriot's brevet proud; 
They graced the traitor Washington; 

They hallowed Emmet's shroud; 
The rebel Arabi who struck 

For Egypt's fellaheen; 
The felon Boyle O'Reilly 

"For the wearing of the green." 
'T were better far be Viljoen, 

Though "notorious" Churchill call. 
Than bear the bribe-stained title 

or Lord of Blenheim Hall. 



62 



PART TWO. 



THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. 



In offering my readers my reminiscences of the late 
War, I feel that it is necessary to ask their indulgence 
and to plead extenuating circumstances for many obvious 
shortcomings. 

It should be pointed out that the preparation of this 
work was attended with many difficulties and disabilities, 
of which the following were only a few: — 

(1) This is my first attempt at writing a book, and 
as a simple Afrikander I lay no claim to any literary 
ability. 

(2) When captured by the British forces I was deprived 
of all my notes, and have been compelled to consult 
and depend largely upon my memory for my facts and 
data. I would wish to add, however, that the notes 
and minutiae they took from me referred only to 
events and incidents covering six months of the War. 
Twice before my capture, various diaries I had com- 
piled fell into British hands; and on a third occasion, 
when our camp at Dalmanutha was burned out by a 
"grassfire," other notes were destroyed. 

(3) I wrote this book while a prisoner-of-war, fettered, 
as it were, by the strong chains with which a British 
"parole" is circumscribed. I was, so to say, bound 
hand and foot, and always made to feel sensibly the 
humiliating position to which we, as prisoners-of-war 



6 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

on this island, were reduced. Our unhappy lot was 
rendered unnecessarily unpleasant by the insulting 
treatment offered us by Colonel Price, who appeared 
to me an excellent prototype of Napoleon's custodian. 
Sir Hudson Lowe. One has only to read Lord Rosebery's 
work, *The Last Phase of Napoleon," to realise the 
insults and indignities Sir Hudson Lowe heaped upon 
a gallant enemy. 

We Boers experienced similar treatment from our 
custodian. Colonel Price, who appeared to be possessed 
with the very demon of distrust and who conjured up 
about us the same fantastic and mythical plans of escape 
as Sir Hudson Lowe attributed to Napoleon. It is to his 
absurd suspicions about our safe custody that I trace the 
bitterly offensive regulations enforced on us. 

While engaged upon this work. Colonel Price could 
have pounced down upon me at any moment, and, having 
discovered the manuscript, would certainly have promptly 
pronounced the writing of it in conflict with the terms of 
my "parole." 

I have striven as far as possible to refrain from 
criticism, except when compelled to do so, and to give a 
coherent story, so that the reader may easily follow the 
episodes I have sketched. I have also endeavoured to be 
impartial, or, at least, so impartial as an erring human 
being can be who has just quitted the bloody battlefields 
of a bitter struggle. 

But the sword is still wet, and the wound is not yet 
healed. 

I would assure my readers that it has not been without 
hesitation that I launch this work upon the world. There 
have been many amateur and professional writers who 
have preceded me in overloading the reading public with 
what purport to be "true histories" of the War. But 
having been approached by friends to add my little effort 



TO THE READER 7 

to the ponclerous tomes of War literature, I have written 
down that which I saw with my own eyes, and that 
which I personally experienced. If seeing is believing, 
the reader may lend credence to my recital of every 
incident I have herein recounted. 

During the last stages of the struggle, when we were 
isolated from the outside world, we read in newspapers 
and other printed matter . captured from the British so 
many romantic and fabulous stories about ourselves, that 
we were sometimes in doubt whether people in Europe 
and elsewhere would really believe that we were ordinary 
human beings and not legendary monsters. On these 
occasions I read circumstantial reports of my death, and 
once, a long, and by no means flattering, obituary (extending 
over several columns of a newspaper) in which I was 
compared to Garibaldi, "Jack the Ripper," and Aguinaldo. 
On another occasion I learned from British newspapers of 
my capture, conviction, and execution in the Cape Colony 
for wearing the insignia of the Red Cross. I read that I 
had been brought before a military court at De Aar and 
sentenced to be shot, and what was worse, the sentence 
was duly confirmed and carried out. A very lurid picture 
was drawn of the execution. Bound to a chair, and placed 
near my open grave, I had met my doom with "rare 
stoicism and fortitude." "At last," concluded my amiable 
biographer, "this scoundrel, robber, and guerilla leader, 
Viljoen, has been safely removed, and will trouble the 
British Army no longer." I also learned with mingled 
feelings of amazement and pride that, being imprisoned at 
Mafeking at the commencement of hostilities, General 
Baden-Powell had kindly exchanged me for Lady Sarah 
"Wilson. 

To be honest, none of the above-mentioned reports 
were strictly accurate. I can assure the reader that I 
was never killed in action or executed at De Aar, I 



8 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

was never in Mafeking or any other prison in my life 
(save here at St. Helena), nor was I in the Cape 
Colony during the War. I never masqueraded with a 
Red Cross, and I was never exchanged for Lady Sarah 
Wilson. Her ladyship's friends would have found me a 
very poor exchange. 

It is also quite inaccurate and unfair to describe me 
as a "thief" and "a scoundrel" It was, indeed, not an 
heroic thing to do, seeing that the chivalrous gentlemen 
of the South African Press who employed the epithets 
were safely beyond my view and reach, and I had no 
chance of correcting their quite erroneous impressions. I 
could neither refute nor defend myself against their infamous 
libels, and for the rest, my friend "Mr. Atkins" kept us 
all exceedingly busy. 

That which is left of Ben Viljoen after the several 
"coups de grace" in the field and the tragic execution at 
De Aar, stil "pans" out at a fairly robust young person — 
quite an ordinary young fellow, indeed, thirty-four years 
of age, of middle height and build. Somewhere in the 
the Marais Quartier of Paris— where the French Huguenots 
came from — there was an ancestral Viljoen from whom I 
am descended. In the War just concluded I played no 
great part of my own seeking. I met many compatriots 
who were better soldiers than myself; but on occasions 
I was happily of some small service to my Cause and to 
my people. 

The chapters I append are, like myself, simple 
in form. If I have become notorious it is not my 
fault; it is the fault of the newspaper paragraphist, 
and in these pages I have endeavoured, as far as 
possible , te leave the stage to more prominent 
actors, merely offering myself as guide to the many 
battle-fields on which we have waged our unhappy 
struggle. 



TO THE READER 9 

I sLall not disappoint the reader by promising him 
sensational or thrilling episodes. He will find none such 
in these pages ; he will find only a naked and unembellished 
story. 

BEN J. VILJOEN. 

{Assistant Commandant General 
of the Republican Forces.) 

St. Helena, 

June, 1902. 



50/AE PRESS OPINIONS. 

General Sen Diljocri^^ s 

Jjoofz on we War^. 

C^My Reminiscences of the Anglo-Boer War'%) 



The following are a few of the Hundreds of Press Opiniona 
received: 

The Times: — "General Ben Viljoen's book is in many ways the best book 
on the Boer side that has yet appeared. It is written by a man who 
possesses considerable idea of style, abundant and irrepressible good 
humour, a sense of fairness towards his opponents, and a very good 
military judgment." 

St. James's Gazette: — ^General Ben "Viljoen's book is the only one 
emanating from the Boer side which we have seen, which can be 
read by an Englishman without his gorge rising at the palpable 
misstatement and unfair accusation. Ben Viljoeu is as fair as he is 
vivid and amusing." 

Daily Express: — "General Viljoen's is one of the most readable and best 
worth reading of the War books." 

South Africa: — "It has none of the defects of 's bombast. 

General Viljoen refrains from the sneering tone which disfigures — 

's book." 

Nottingham Guardian: — "General Viljoen is so thoroughly outspoken and 
straightforward that his book kindles a very friendly feeling and 
leaves a far pleasanter impression than the much heralded productioa 
of ." 

Dundee Courier: — "The book will be welcomed as a standard history." 

Weekly Times:— ^Of the three books issued giving the Boer side of the 
War, General Viljoen's is certainly the most readable." 

Liverpool Courier: — "General Ben Viljoen furnished the best and most 
impartial story of the Burgher authors." 

The Globe: — "The whole narrative is full of interest, and will appeal to 
the general reader more than any book yet published on the War." 

The Literary World:— "Oi the Books on the War from the Boer side 
there is not one which pleases us more than General Yiljoen'3." 



10 



INDEX TO CONTENTS. 



, PAGB 

THE AUTHOR TO THE EEADEE 5 

CHAPTER 

I. THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER 17 

II. AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS . • 20 

III. THE INVASION OF NATAL 24 

IV. DEFEATED AT ELANDSLAAGTE ... 30 

V. PURSUED BY THE LANCERS 34 

VI. RISKING JOUBERt's ANGER .43 

VII. THE BOER general's SUPERSTITION'S 48 

VIII.. COLENSO AND SPION KOP FIGHTS 51 

TX. THE BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 57 

X. THE TURN OF THE TIDE 64 

XI. THE GREAT BOER RETREAT • • 70 

XII. DRIVEN FROM THE BIGGARSBERGEN 78 

XIII. "great powers" to INTERVENE 83 

XIV. DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED - . . 87 

XV. OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA 94 

XVI. BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL*') 97 

XVII. I BECOME A GENERAL 103 

XVHI. OUR CAMP BURNED OUT Ill 

XIX. BATTLE OF BERGENDAL (mACHADODORP) 114 

XX. TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELFASKU 117 

XXI. A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 122 

XXII. AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 128 

XXIII. A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVEULAND 132 

XXIV. PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING 146 



12 ANGLO-BOER WAR. 

CHAPTFR PAGE 

XXV. PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 151 

XXVI. BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP ....• 158 

XXVII. THE SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR 169 

XXVIII. CAPTURE OF "lADT ROBERTS" 173 

XXIX. A DISMAL, "hAPPT NEW YEAb" 183 

XXX. GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS ... 186 

XXXI. A "bluff" and a BATTLE 195 

XXXII. EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR 202 

XXXIIL IN A TIGHT CORNER 206 

XXXIV. ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 211 

XXXV. BOER government's NARROW ESCAPE 217 

XXXVI. A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK 228 

XXXVIL BLOWING UP AN ARMOURED TRAIN 231 

XXXVIII. TRAPPING PRO- BRITISH BOERS 235 

XXXIX. BRUTAL KAFFIBS' MURDER TRAIL 243 

XL. CAPTURING A FREEEOOTEr's LAIR 248 

XLI. AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS 251 

XLII. I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD 254 

XLiii. MRS. Botha's baby and the "tommy" 256 

XLIV. THE LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAR 262 

XLV. MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT 266 

XLVI. I AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED 270 

XLVIL SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA 277 

XLVIII. LIFE IN BONAPAKTE's PRISON 288 

XLIX. HOW WE BLEW UP AND CAPTURED TRAINS 291 

L. HOW WE FED AND CLOTHED COMMANDOS 298 

LI. OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY . 304 

til. THE FIGHTING BOER AND HIS OFFICER 309 



%v>#> 



MY REMINISCENCES 



OF THE 



ANGLO-BOER WAR 



CHAPTER I. 

THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER. 

IN 1895 the political clouds gathered thickly and grew 
threatening. They were unmistakable in their portent, 
AVar was meant, and we heard the martial thunder 
rumbling over our heads. 

The storm broke in the shape of an invasion from 
Khodesia on our Western frontiers, a raid planned by 
soldiers of a friendly power. 

However one may endeavour to argue the chief cause 
of the South African war to other issues, it remains an 
irrebuttable fact that the Jameson Raid was primarily 
responsible for the hostilities which eventually took place 
between Great Britain and the Boer Republics. 

Mr. Rhodes, the sponsor and deux ex machind of the 
Raid, could not agree with Mr. Paul Kruger, and had 
failed in his efforts to establish friendly relations with him. 
Mr. Kruger, quite as stubborn and ambitious as Mr. Rhodes, 
placed no faith in the latter's amiable proposals, and the 
result was that fierce hatred was engendered between the 
two Gideons, a racial rancour spreading to fanatical lengths. 

17 



18 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Dr. Jameson's stupid raid is now a matter of history; 
but from that fataful New Year's Day of 1896 we Boers 
date the terrible trials and sufferings to which our poor 
country has been exposed. To that mischievous incident, 
indeed, we directly trace the struggle now terminated. 

This invasion, which was synchronous with an armed 
rebellion at Johannesburg, was followed by the arrest and 
imprisonment of the so-called gold magnates of the Wit- 
watersrand. Whether these exceedingly wealthy but 
extremely degenerate sons of Albion and Germania deserved 
the death sentence pronounced upon their leaders at Pretoria 
for high treason it is not for me to judge, 

I do recall, however, the appeal for mercy that 
went up, how piteously the Transvaal Government was 
petitioned and supplicated, and finally moved "to forgive 
and forget." The same faction now pressing so obdurately 
for "no mercy" upon the Colonial Afrikanders who joined 
us, then supplicated all the Boer gods for forgiveness. 

Meantime the Republic was plagued by the rinderpest 
scourge, which wrought untold havoc throughout the 
country. This scourge was preceded by the dynamite 
disaster at Vrededorp (near Johannesburg) and the railway 
disaster at Glencoe in Natal. It was succeeded by a 
smallpox epidemic, which, in spite of medical efforts, grew 
from sporadic to epidemic and visited all classes of the 
Rand, exacting victims wherever it travelled. During the 
same period difficulties occurred in Swaziland necessitating 
the despatch of a strong commando to the disaffected 
district and the maintenance of a garrison at Bremersdorp, 
The following year hostilities were commenced against the 
Magato tribe in the north of the Republic. 

After an expensive expedition, lasting six months, the 
rebellion was quelled. There was Httle doubt that the 
administration of unfaithful native commissioners was in 
part responsible for the difficulties, but there is less doubt 



WAR CLOUDS GATHER . 19 

that external influences also contributed to the rebellion. 
TJiis is not the time, however, to tear open old wounds. 

Mr. Rhodes has disappeared from the stage for ever; 
he died as he had lived. His relentless enemy Mr. Kruger, 
who was pulling the strings at the other end, is still alive. 
Perhaps the old man may be spared to see the end of the 
bloody drama; it was undoubtedly he and Mr. Rhodes 
who played the leading parts in the prologue. 

Which of these two "Big Men" took the greatest share 
in bringing about the Disaster which has drenched South 
Africa with blood, and draped it in mourning, it would be 
improper for me at this period to suggest. Mr. Rhodes 
has been summoned before a Higher Tribunal ; Mr. Kruger 
has still to come up for judgment before the people whose 
fate and very existence as a nation, are, at the time of 
writing, wavering in the balance. 

We have been at one another's throats, and for this 
we have to thank our statesmen. It is to be hoped that 
our leaders of the future will attach more value to human 
lives, and that Boer and Briton will be enabled to live 
amicably side by side. 

A calm and statesmanlike government, by men free 
from ambition and racial rancour, by men of unblemished 
reputation, will be the only nieans of pacifying South Africa 
and keeping South Africa at peace. 



CHAPTER II. 

AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS. 

IT was during a desultory discussion of an ordinary 
sessions of the Second Volksraad, in which I represented 
Johannesburg, that one day in September, 1899 — to be 
precise, the afternoon of the 28th — the messenger of the 
House came to me with a note, and whispered, ''A message 
from General Joubert Sir: it is urgent, and the General 
says it requires your immediate attention." 

I broke the seal of the envelope with some trepidation. 
I guessed its contents, and a few of my colleagues in the 
Chamber hung over me almost speechless with excitement, 
whispering curiously, "Jong, is dit font?" — "Is this correct. 
Is it war?" 

Everybody knew of course, that we were in for a 
supreme crisis, that the relations between Great Britain 
and our Republic were strained to the bursting point, that 
bitter diplomatic notes had been exchanged between the 
governments of the two countries for months past, and 
that a collision, an armed collision, was sooner or later 
inevitable. 

Being "Fighting - Commandant" of the Witwatersrand 
goldfields, and therefore, an officer of the Transvaal army, 
my movements on that day excited great interest among 
my colleagues in the Chamber. After reading General 
Joubert's note, I said as calmly as possible: "Yes, the 
die is cast ; I am leaving for the Natal frontier. Good-bye. 
I must now quit the house. Who knows, perhaps for 
ever 1" 



20 



WAR STORM BREAKS 21 

General Joubert's mandate was couched as follows: — 

"You are hereby ordered to proceed with the Johannesburg commando 
to Volksrust to-morrow, Friday evening, at 8 o'clock. Tour field comets 
have 'already received instructions to commandeer the required number 
of burghers and the necessary horses, waggons, and equipment. Instructions 
have also been given for the necessary railway conveyances to be held 
ready. Further instructions will reach you." 

Previous to my departure next morning, I made a 
hurried call at Commandant-General Joubert's offices. The 
ante-chamber leading to the Generalissimo's "sanctum- 
sanctorum" was crowded with brilliantly-uniformed officers 
of our State Artillery, and it was only by dint of using 
my elbows very vigorously that I gained admission to my 
chief-in-command. 

The old General seemed to feel keenly the gravity of 
the situation. He looked careworn and troubled: "Good- 
morning, Commandant," he said; "aren't you away yet?" 

I explained that I was on my way to the railway 
station, but I thought before leaving I'd like to see him 
about one or two things. 

"Well, go on, what is jt?" General Joubert, enquired, 
petulanty. 

"I want to know, General Joubert," I said, "whether 
England has declared war against us, or whether we are 
taking the lead. And another thing, what sort of general 
have I to report myself to at Volksrust?" 

The old warrior, without looking up or immediately 
answering me, drew various cryptic and hieroglyphic 
pothooks and figures on the paper before him. Then he 
suddenly lifted his eyes and pierced me with a look, at 
which I quailed and trembled. 

He said very slowly: "Look here; there is as yet no' 
declaration of war, and hostilities have not yet commenced. 
"You and my other officers should understand that, very 
clearly, because possibly the differences between ourselves 
and Great Britain may still be settled. We are only going 



22 ANGLO-BOEH WAR 

to occupy our frontiers because England's attitude is 
extremely provocative, and if England sees that we are fully 
prepared and that we do not fear her threats, she will 
perhaps be wise in time and reconsider the situation. 
We also want to place ourselves in a position to prevent 
and quell a repetition of the Jameson Raid with more 
force than we exerted in 1896." 

An hour afterwards I was on board a train travelling 
to Johannesburg in the company of General Piet Cronje 
and his faithful wife. General Cronje told me that he was 
proceeding to the western districts of the Republic to take 
up the command of the Potchefstroom and Lichtenburg 
burghers. His instructions, he said, were to protect the 
Western frontier. 

I left General Cronje at Johannesburg on the 29th 
September, 1899, and never saw him again until I met him 
at St. Helena nearly two and a half years afterwards, on 
the 25th March, 1902. When I last saw him we greeted 
each other as free men, as free and independent legislators 
and officers of a free Republic. We fought for our rights 
to live as a nation. 

Now the veteran Cronje is a broken old man, 
captive like myself, far away from our homes and our 
country. 

Then and Now! 

Then we went abroad free, and freedoraloving men, 
burning with patriotism. Our wives and our womenfolk 
w^atched us go; full of sorrow and anxiety, but satisfied 
that we were going abroad in our country's cause. 

And Now! 

Two promising and prosperous Republics wrecked, 
their fair homesteads destroyed, their people in mourning, 
and thousands of innocent women and children the victims 
oi a cruel war. 

There is scarcely an Afrikander family without an 



WAR STORM BREAKS 23 

unhealable M^ound. Everywhere the traces of the hloody 
struggle ; ' and alas, most poignant and distressing fact of 
all, burghers who fought side by side with us in the 
earlier stages of the struggle are now to be found in the 
ranks of the enemy. 

These wretched men, ignoring their solemn duty, left 
their companions in the lurch, without sense of shame or 
respect for the braves who fell fighting for their land and 
people. 

Oh, day of judgment! The Afrikander nation will 
yet avenge your treachery. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE INVASION OF NATAL. 

Ai^" T E R taking leave of my friend Cronje at 
Johannesburg Station, my first duty was to visit 
my various field cornets. About four o'clock that afternoon 
I found my commando was as nearly ready as could be 
expected. When I say ready, I mean ready on paper 
only, as later experience showed. My three field cornets 
were required to equip 900 mounted men with waggons 
and provisions, and of course they had carte blanche to 
commandeer. Only fully enfranchised burghers of the 
South African Republic were liable to be commandeered, 
and in Johannesburg town there was an extraordinary 
conglomeration of cosmopolitans amenable to this gentle 
process of enlistment. 

It would take up too much time to adequately describe 
the excitement of Johannesburg on this memorable day. 
Thousands of Uitlanders were flying from their homes, 
contenting themselves, in their hurry to get away, to stand 
in Kaffir or coal trucks and to expose themselves cheer- 
fully to the fierce sun, and other elements. The streets 
were palpitating with burghers ready to proceed to the 
frontier that night, and with refugees speeding to the 
stations. Everybody was in a state of intense feeling. 
One was half hearted, another cheerful, and a third thirsting 
for blood, while many of my men were under the influence 
of alcohol. 

When it was known that I had arrived in the town 
my room in the North Western Hotel was besieged. 



24 



INVASION OF NATAL. 25 

I was approached by all sorts of people pleading exemption 
from commando duty. One Boer said he knew that his 
solemn duty was to fight for his country and his freedom, 
but he would rather decline. Another declared that he 
could not desert his family ; while yet another came forward 
with a stary that of his four horses, three had been 
commandeered, and that these horses were his only means 
of subsistence. A fourth complained that his waggons 
and mules had been clandestinely (although officially) 
removed. Many malingerers suddenly discovered acute 
symptoms of heart disease and brought easily-obtained 
doctor's certificates, assuring me that tragic consequences 
would attend their exposure in the field. Ladies came to 
me pleading exemption for their husbands, sisters for 
brothers, mothers for sons, all ofifering plausible reasons 
why their loved ones should be exempted from commando 
duty. It was very difficult to deal with all these clamorous 
visitors. I was much in the position of King Solomon, 
though lacking his wisdom. But I would venture to say 
that his ancient majesty himself would have been perplexed 
had he been in my place. It is necessary that the reader 
should know, that the main part of the population was 
composed of all nationalities and lacked every element of 
Boer discipline. 

On the evening of the 29th of September, I left with 
the Johannesburg commando in two trains. Two-thirds 
of my men had no personal acquaintance with me, and 
at the departure there was some difficulty because of this. 
One burgher came into my private compartment uninvited ; 
he evidently forgot his proper place, and when I suggested 
to him that the compartment was private and reserved 
for officers, he told me to go to the devil, and I was 
compelled to remove him somewhat precipitately from the 
carriage. This same man was afterwards one of my most 
trustworthy scouts. 



26 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

The following afternoon we reached Standerton, where 
I received telegraphic instructions from General Joubert 
to join my commando to that of Captain Schiel, who was 
in charge of the German Corps, and to place myself under 
the supreme command of Jan Kock, a member of the 
Executive Council, who had been appointed a general by 
the Government. 

We soon discovered that quite one-third of the horses 
we had taken with us were untrained for the serious 
business of fighting, and also that many of the new 
burghers of foreign nationality had not the slightest idea 
how to ride. Our first parade, or "Wapenschouwing" gave 
food for much hilarity. Here one saw horses waltzing and 
jumping, while over there a rider was biting the sand, 
and towards evening the doctors had several patients. It 
may be stated that although not perfectly equipped in the 
matter of ambulances, we had three physicians with us, 
Doctors Visser, Marais, and Shaw. Our spiritual welfare 
was being looked after by the Reverends Nel and Martins, 
but not for long, as both these gentlemen quickly found 
that commando life was unpleasant and left us spiritually 
to ourselves, even as the European Powers left us politi- 
cally. But I venture to state that no member of my 
commando really felt acutely the loss of the theological 
gentlemen who primarily accompanied us. 

On the following day General Kock and a large staff 
arrived at the laager, and together with the German Corps, 
we trekked to Paardakop and Klip River, in the Orange 
Free State, where we were to occupy Botha's Pass. My 
convoy comprised about a hundred carts, mostly drawn 
by mules, and it was amusing to see the variety of provisions 
my worthy field-cornets had gathered together. There 
were three full waggons of lime-juice and other unnecessary 
articles which I caused to be unloaded at the first halting- 
place to make room for more serviceable provisions. It 



IiNVASION OF NATAL. 27 

should be mentioned that of my three field-cornets only 
one, the late Piet Joubert of Jeppestown, actually accom- 
panied my commando. The others sent substitutes, perhaps 
because they did not like to expose themselves to the 
change of air. We rested some days at the Klip River, 
in the Orange Free State, and from thence I was sent 
with a small escort of burghers by our General to 
Harrismith to meet a number of Free State officers. After 
travelling two days I came upon Chief Free State 
Commandant Prinsloo, who afterwards deserted, and other 
officers. The object of my mission was to organise 
communications with these officers. On the 11th of October, 
having returned to my commando, we received a report 
that our Government had despatched the Ultimatum to 
England, and that the time specified for the reply to that 
document had elapsed and hostilities had begun. 

We received orders to invade Natal, and crossed the 
frontier that very evening, I, with a patrol of 50 men, 
had not crossed the frontier very far when one of m}'^ 
scouts rode up with the report that a large British force 
was in sight on the other side of the River Ingogo. 
I said to myself at the time: "If this be true the British 
have rushed up fairly quickly, and the fat will be in the 
fire very soon." 

We then broke into scattered formation and carefully 
proceeded into Natal. After much reconnoitring and 
concealment, however, we soon discovered that the "large 
English force" was only a herd of cattle belonging to 
friendly., Boers, and that the camp consisted of two tents 
occupied by some Englishmen and Kaffirs who were 
mending a defective bridge. We also came across a cart 
drawn by four bullocks belonging to a Natal farmer, and 
I believe this was the first plunder we captured in Natal. 
The Englishman, who said he knew nothing about any 
war, received a pass to proceed with his servants to the 



28 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

English lines, and he left with the admonition to read the 
newspapers in future and learn when war was imminent. 
Next day our entire commando was well into Natal. The 
continuous rain and cold of the Drakenbergen rendered 
our first experience of veldt life, if not unbearable, very 
discouraging. We numbered a fairly large commando, as 
Commandant J. Lombard, commanding the Hollander corps, 
had also joined us. Close by Newcastle we encountered 
a large number of commandos, and a general council of 
war was held under the presidency of Commandant General 
Joubert. It was here decided that Generals Lukas Meyer 
and Dijl Erasmus should take Dundee, which an English 
garrison held, while our commandos under General Kock 
were instructed to occupy the Biggarburg Pass. Preceded 
by scouts we wound our way in that direction, leaving all 
our unnecessary baggage in the shape of provisions and 
ammunition waggons at Newcastle. 

One of my acting field-cornets and the field-cornets of 
the German commando, prompted by goodness knows what, 
pressed forward south, actually reaching the railway station 
at Elandslaagte. A goods train was just steaming into the 
station, and it was captured by these foolhardy young 
Moltkes. I was much dissatisfied with this action, and sent 
a messenger ordering them to retire after having destroyed 
the railway. On the same night I received instructions 
from General Kock to proceed with two hundred men and 
a cannon to Elandslaagte, and I also learned that Captain 
Schiel and his German Corps had left in the same direction. 

Imagine, we had gone further than had actually been 
decided at the council of war, and we pressed forward still 
further without any attempt being made to keep in touch 
with the other commandos on our left and right. Seeing 
the inexpediency of this move, I went to the General in 
command and expressed my objections to it. But General 
Kock was firmly decided on the point, and said, "Go 



INVASION OF NATAL 29 

along my boy." We reached Elandslaagte at midnight, 
it was raining very heavily. After scrambling for positions 
in the darkness, although I had already sufficiently seen 
that the lie of the lan<? suggested no strategic operations, 
we retired to rest. Two days later occurred the fateful 
battle. 



CHAPTER IV. 

DEFEATED AT ELANDSLAAGTE. 

IN the grey dawn of the 21st of October a number of 
scouts I had despatched overnight in the direction of 
Ladysmith returned with the tidings that "the khakis 
were coming." "Where are the}^ and how many are 
there of them?" I asked. "Commandant," the chief scout 
rephed, "I don't know much about these things, but I 
should think that the EngUsh number quite a thousand 
mounted men, and they have guns, and they have already 
passed Modderspruit." To us amateur soldiers this report 
was by no means reassuring, and I confess I hoped fer- 
vently that the English might stay away for some little 
time longer. 

It was at sunrise that the first shot I heard in this 
war was fired. Presently the men we dreaded wer visible 
on the ridges of hills south of the little red railway station 
at Elandslaagte. Some of my men hailed the coming fight 
with delight; others, more experienced in the art of war, 
turned deadly pale. That is how the Boers felt in their 
first battle. The awkward way in which many of my 
men sought cover, demonstrated at once how inexperienced 
in warfare we youngsters were. We started with our guns 
and tried a little experimental shooting. The second and 
third shots appeared to be effective; at any rate, as far 
as we could judge, they seemed to disturb the equanimity 
of the advancing troops. I saw an ammunition cart de- 
prived of its team and generally smashed. 

The British guns appeared to be of very small calibre 

30 



ELANDSLAAGTE 31 

indeed. Certainly they failed to reach us, and all the 
harm they did was to send a shell through a Boer ambu- 
lance within the range of fire. This shot was, I afterwards 
ascertained, purely accidental. When the British found 
that we too, strange to say, had guns, and what is more,^ 
knew how to use them, they, retired towards Ladysmith. 
But this was merely a ruse; they had gone back to fetch 
more. Still, though it was a ruse, we were cleverly deceived 
by it, and while we were off-saddling and preparing the 
mid-day meal they were arranging a new and more 
formidable attack. From the Modderspruit siding they 
were pouring troops brought down by rail, and although 
wo had a splendid chance of shelling the newcomers from 
the high kopje we occupied. General Kock, who was in 
supreme command of our corps, for some reason which 
has never been explained, refused to permit us to fire 
upon tliem. I went to General Kock and pleaded with 
him, but he was adamant. This was a bitter disappoint- 
ment to me, but I consoled myself with the thought that 
the General was much older than myself, and had been 
fighting since he was a baby; I therefore presumed he 
knew better. Possibly if we yo anger commanders had 
had more authority in the earlier stages of the war, and 
had had less to deal with arrogant and stupid old men, 
we should have reached Durban and Cape Town. 

I must here again confess that none of my men 
displayed any of the martial determination with which 
they had so buoyantly proceeded from Johannesburg. To 
put it bluntly, some of them were "footing" it, and the 
English cavalry, taking advantage of this, were rapidly 
outflanking them. The British tactics were plain enough. 
General French had placed his infantry in the centre 
with three field batteries (fifteen pounders), while his 
cavalry, with Maxims, encompassed our right and left. He 
was forming a crescent, with the obvious purpose of turning 



32 ANGLO-BOEK WAR 

our position with his right and left wing. When charging 
at the close of the attack, the cavalry, which consisted 
mainly of lancers, were on both our flanks, and completely 
prevented our retreat. It was not easy to estimate the 
number of our assailant's forces. Judging roughly, I 
calculated they numbered between, 5,000 and 6,000, while 
we were 800 all told, and our artillery consisted merely 
of two Nordenfeldt guns with shell, and no grape shot. 

The British certainly meant business that day. It was 
the baptismal fire of the Imperial Light Horse, a corps 
principally composed of Johannesburgers, who were politi- 
cally and racially our bitter enemies. And what was more 
unfortunate, our guns were so much exposed that they 
were soon silenced. For a long time we did our best to 
keep our opponents at bay, but they came in crushing 
numbers, and speedily dead and maimed burghers covered 
the veldt. Then the Gordon Highlanders and the other 
infantry detachments commenced to storm our positions. 
AVe got them well within the range of our rifle fire, and 
made our presence folt; but they kept pushing on with 
splendid determination and indomitable pluck, though 
their ranks were being decimated before our very eyes. 

This was the first, as it w'as the last time in the War 
that I heard a British baud playing to cheer attacking 
"Tommies." I believe it used to be a British war custom 
to rouse martial instincts with lively music, but something 
must have gone wrong with the works in this War, there 
must have occurred a rift in the lute, for ever after this 
first battle of Elandslaagte, the British abandoned flags, 
banners, and other quite unnecessary furniture. 

About half an hour before sunset, the enemy had 
come up close to our positions and on all sides a terrible 
battle raged. To keep them back was now completely 
out of tlic question. They had forced their way between 
a kloof, and while rushing up with my men towards them, 



ELANDSLAAGTE. S3 

my rifle was smaslied Ijy a bullet. A wounded burglier 
handed me his and I jomed Field-Cornet Peter Joubert 
who, with seven other burghers, was defending the kloof. 
We poured a heavy fire into the British, but they were 
not to be shaken off. Again and again they rushed up 
in irresistible strength, gallantly encouraged by their brave 
officers. Poor Field-Cornet Joubert perished at this point. 
When the sun had set and the awful scene was 
enveloped in darkness which hid a dreadful spectacle of 
maimed Germans, Hollanders, Frenchmen, Irishmen, Ame- 
ricans, and Boers lying on the veldt the groans of the 
wounded were heartrending; for some the sun had set for 
ever. 



CHAPTER V. 



PURSUED BY THE LANCERS. 



ANOTHER charge, and the British, encouraged hj 
their success, had taken our last position, guns and all. 
My only resource now was to flee, and the battle of 
Elandslaagte was a thing of the past. 

Another last look at the bloody scene. It was very 
hard to have to beat an ignominious retreat, but 
it was harder still to go without being able to assist 
one's wounded comrades, who were piteously crying aloud 
for help. To have to leave them in the hands of the 
enemy was exceedingly distressing to me; but there was 
no other course open, and fleeing, I hoped I might "live to 
fight another day." I got away accompanied by Fourie 
and my Kaffir servant. "Let us go," I said, "perhaps we 
may be lucky to fall in with some more burghers round 
here and have another shot at them." Behind us the 

British lancers were shouting "Stop, stop, halt you 

Boers!'' They fired briskly at us, but our little ponies 
responded gamely to the spur, and aided by the darkness, 
we rode on safely. Still the lancers did not abandon the 
chase, and followed us for a long distance. From time to 
time we could hear the pitiful cries and entreaties of 
burghers who were being "finished ofi"," but we could see 
nothing. My man and I had fleet horses in good condition, 
those of the pursuing lancers were big and clumsy. 

My adjutant, Piet Fourie, however, was not so fortunate 
as myself. He was overtaken and made a prisoner. 
Revolvers were being promiscuously fired at us, and at 



34 



PURSUED BY LANCERS 35 

times the distance between us and our pursuers grew 
smaller. We could plainly hear them shouting "Stop, or 
I'll shoot you," or "Halt, you damned Boer, or I'll run my 
lance through your blessed body." 

We really had no time to take much notice of these 
pretty compliments. It was a race for life and freedom. 
Looking round furtively once more I could distinguish my 
pursuers; I could see their long assegais; I could hear the 
snorting of their unwieldy horses, the clattering of their 
swords. These unpleasant combinations were enough to 
strike terror into the heart of any ordinary man. 

Everything now depended upon the fleetness and staying 
power of my sturdy little Boer pony, Blesman. He remained 
my faithful friend long after he had got me out of this 
scrape; he was shot, poor little chap, the day when they 
made me a prisoner. Poor Blesman, to you I owe my life I 
Blesman was plainly in league against all that was British ; 
from the first he displayed Anglophobia of a most acute 
character. He has served me in good stead, and now 
lies buried,, faithful little heart, in a Lydenburg ditch. 

In my retreat Sunday River had to be crossed. It 
was deep, but deej^ or not, we had to get through it. We 
were going at such a pace that we nearly tumbled down 
the banks. The precipice must have been very steep; all 
I remember is finding myself in the water with Blesman 
by my side. The poor chap had got stuck with his four 
legs in the drift sand. I managed to liberate him, and 
after a lot of scrambling and struggling and wading we got to 
the other side. On the opposite bank the British were 
still firing. I therefore decided to lie low in the water, 
hoping to delude them into thinking I was killed or 
drowned. My stratagem was successful. I heard one of 
my pursuers say, "We've finished him," and with a few 
more pyrotechnic farewells they retraced their steps towards 
Ladysmith. 



36 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

More horsemen however, came in pursuit. Unques- 
tionably the British, fired by their splendid success, were 
following up their victory with great vigour,and again I 
was compelled to hide in the long grass into which my 
native servant, with Ethiopian instinct, had already crept. 
Seeing no signs of life our pursuers turned and rode away. 

When all was said and done I had escaped with a 
good wetting. Now for Newcastle. I had still my rifle, 
revolver, and cartridges left to me; my field-glass was 
lost, probably in the river. "Water there was plenty, but 
food I had none. The track to Newcastle, to a stranger, 
such as I was in that part of the country, was difiicult 
to discover. To add to my perplexities I did not know 
what had happened at Dundee, where I had been told a 
strong British garrison was in occupation. Therefore, in 
straying in that direction I ran the risk of being captured. 

Finally, however, I came upon a kafiir kraal. I was 
curtly hailed in the kaffir language, and upon asking 
my swarthy friends to show me the road, half a dozen 
natives, armed with assegais, appeared on the scene. I 
clasped my revolver, as their attitude seemed suspicious. 
Having inspected me closely, one of the elders of 
the community said: "You is one of dem Boers vat runs 
avay? We look on and you got dum dum to-day. Now 
w^e hold you, we take you English magistrate near Ladysmith." 
But I know my kaffir, and I sized up this black Englishman 
instantly. "The fact is,'* I said, "I'm trekking with a 
commando of 500 men, and we are doing a bit of scouting 
round your kraal. If you will show me the way to the 
Biggersbergen I will give you 5s. on account." My amiable 
and dusky friend insisted on 7s. 6d., but after I had 
intimated that if he did not accept 5s. I should certainly 
burn his entire outfit, slaughter all his women and kill all 
his cattle, he acquiesced. A young Zulu was deputed as 
my guide, but I had to use my fists and make pretty play 



PURSUED BY LANCERS 37 

with my revolver, and generally hint at a sudden death, 
or he would have left me in the lurcli. He muttered to 
himself for some time, and suddenly terminated his soliloquy 
by turning on his heels and disappearing in the darkness. 

The light of a lantern presently showed a railway 
station, which I rightly guessed to be Wasch-bank. Here 
two Englishmen, probably railway officials, came up to me, 
accompanied by m.y treacherous guide. The latter had 
obviously been good enough to warn the officials at the station 
of my approach, but luckily they were unarmed. One of them 
said, "You've lost your way, it appears," to which I replied, 
«0h, no, indeed; I'm on the right track I think." "But," he 
persisted, ''you won't find any of your people here now ; 
you've been cut to pieces at Elandslaagte and Lukas Meyer's 
and Erasmus's forces round Dundee have been crushed. 
You had better, come along with me to Ladysmith. I promise 
you decent treatment." I took care not to get in between 
them, and, remaining at a little distance, said, revolver in 
hand. "Thanks very much, it's awfully good of you ; I 
have no business to transact in Ladysmith for the moment 
and will now continue my journey. Good-night." *No, no, 
no, wait a minute," returned the man who had spoken 
first, "you know you can't pass here." "We shall see about 
that," I said. They rushed upon me, but ere they could 
overpower me I had levelled my revolver. The first 
speaker tried to disarm me, but I shook him off and shot 
him. He fell, but as far as I know, or could see, was not 
fatally wounded. The other man, thinking discretion the 
better part of valour, disappeared in the darkness, and my 
unfaithful guide having edged away as soon as he saw the 
glint of my gun, was nowhere to be seen. 

My adventures on that terrible night were, however, : 
not to end with this mild diversion. About an hour after 
daybreak, I came upon a Barn upon which the legend 
"Post Office Savings Bank" was inscribed. A big Newfound- 



38 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

land dog lay on the threshold, and although lie wagged 
his tail in a not unfriendly manner, he did not seem 
disposed to take any special notice of me. There was a 
passage between the barn and some stables at the back 
and I went down to prospect the latter. What luck if 
there had been a horse for me there! Of course I should 
only have wanted to borrow it, but there w^as a big iron 
padlock on the door, though inside the stables I heard the 
movements of an animal. A horse, meant to me, just then, 
considerably more than three kingdoms to King Richard. 
For the first time in my life I did some delicate burglary 
and housebreaking to boot. But the English declare that 
all is fair in love and war, and they ought to know. 

I discovered an iron bar, which enabled me to wrench 
off the lock from the stable door, and, having got so far 
with my burglarious performance, I entered cautiously, and 
I may say nervously. Creeping up to the manger I fumbled 
about till I caught hold of a strap to which the animal 
was tied, cut the strap through and led the horse away, 
I was wondering why it went so slowly and that I had 
almost to drag the poor creature along. Once outside I 
found to my utter disgust that my spoil was a venerable 
and decrepit donkey. Disappointed and disheartened, I 
abandoned my booty, leaving that ancient mule brooding 
meditatively outside the stable door and clearly wondering 
why he had been selected for a midnight excursion. But 
there was no time to explain or apologise, and as the mule 
clearly could not carry me as fast sis my own legs, I left 
him to his meditations. 

At dawn, when the first rays of the sun lit up the 

Biggersbergen in all their grotesque beauty, I realised for 

the first time where I was, and found that I was considerably 

more than 12 miles from Elandslaagte, the fateful scene 

I of yesterday. Tired out, half-starved and as disconsolate 

' as the donkey at the stable, I sat myself on an anthill. 



rURSUED BY LA.NCERS 39 

For 24 hours I had been foodless, and was now quite 
exhausted. I fell into a reverie ; all the past day's adven- 
tures passed graphically before my eyes as in a kaleidoscope ; 
all the horrors and carnage of the battle, the misery of 
my maimed comrades, who only yesterday had answered the 
battle cry full of vigour and youth, the pathos of the dead 
who, cut down in the prime of their life and buoyant 
health, lay yonder on the veldt, far away from wives and 
daughters, and friends, for ever more. 

While in a brown study on this anthill, 80 men on 
horseback suddenly dashed up towards me from the direc- 
tion of Elandslaagte. I threw myself flat on my face, 
seeking the anthill as cover, prepared to sell my life dearly 
should they prove to be Englishmen. As soon as they 
observed me they halted, and sent one of their number 
up to me. Evidently they knew not whether I was friend 
or foe, for they reconnoitred my prostrate form behind 
the anthill with great circumspection and caution ; but I 
speedily recognised comrades-in-arms. I think the long tail 
which is peculiar to the Basuto pony enabled me to identify 
them as such, and one friend, who was their outpost, brought 
me a reserve horse, and what was even better, had extracted 
from his saddle-bag a tin of welcome bully beef to stay 
my gnawing hunger. But they brought sad tidings, these 
good friends. Slain on the battle-field lay Assistant-Com- 
mandant J. C. Bodenstein and Major Hall, of the Johan- 
nesburg Town Council, two of my bravest officers, whose 
loss I still regret. 

We rode on slowly, and all along the road we fell 
in with groups of burghers. There was no question that 
our ranks were demoralised and heartsick. Commandant- 
General Joubert had made Dannhauser Station his head, 
quarters and thither we wended our way. But though we 
approached our general with hearts weighed down with 
sorrow, so strange and complex a character is the Boers'; 



40 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

that by tlie time we reached him we had gathered together 
120 stragglers, and had recovered our spirits and our 
courage. I enjoyed a most refreshing rest on an unoccupied 
farm and sent a messenger to Joubert asking an appointment 
for the following morning to hand in my report of the 
ill-fated battle. The messenger, however, brought back a 
verbal answer that the General was exceedingly angry and 
had sent no reply. On retiring that night I found my left 
leg injured in several places by splinters of shell and stone. 
My garments had to be soaked in water to remove them, 
but after I had carefully cleaned my wounds they very 
soon healed. 

The next morning I waited on the Commandant-General. 
He received me very coldly, and before I could venture a 
word said reproachfully: "Why didn't you obey orders and 
stop this side of the Biggarsbergen, as the Council of War 
decided you should do?" He followed up the reproach 
with a series of questions: "Where's your general?" How 
many men have you lost? "How many English have 
you killed?" I said deferentially: * Well, General, you know 
I am not to be bullied like this. You know you placed 
me in a subordinate position under the command of Ge- 
neral Kock, and now you lay all the blame for yesterday's 
disaster on my shoulders. I am sorry to say General Kock 
is wounded and in British hands. I don't know how many 
men we have lost; I suppose about 30 or 40 killed and 
approximately 100 wounded. The British must have lost 
considerably more, but I am not making any estimate." 

The grey-bearded generalissimo cooled a little and spoke 
more kindly, although he gave me to understand he did 
not think much of the Johannesburg commando. I replied 
that they had been fighting very pluckily, and that by 
retiring they hoped to retrieve their fortunes some other 
day. "H'm," returned the General, "some of your burghers 
have made so masterly a retreat that they have already 



PURSUED BY LANCERS 41 

got to Newcastle, and I have just wired Field-Cornet Pienaar, 
who is in charge, that I should suggest to him to wait a 
little there, as I propose sending him some railway carri- 
ages to enable him to retreat still further. As for those 
Germans and Hollanders with you, they may go to Johan- 
nesburg; I won't have them here any more." 

"General," I protested, "this is not quite fair. These 
people have volunteered to fight for, and with us; we 
cannot blame them in this matter. It is most unfortunate 
that Elandslaagte should have been lost, but as far as I 
can see there was no help for it." The old General appe- 
ared lost in thought; he seemed to take but little notice 
of what I said. Finally he looked up and fixed his small 
glittering eyes upon me as if he wished to read my most 
inmost thoughts. 

"Yes," he said, "I know all about that. At Dundee 
things have gone just as badly. Lukas Meyer made a 
feeble attack, and Erasmus left him in the lurch. The two 
were to charge simultaneously, but Erasmus failed him at 
a critical moment, which means a loss of 130 men killed 
and wounded, and Lukas Meyer in retreat across the Buffalo 
River. And now Elandslaagte on the top of all I All this 
owing to the disobedience and negligence of my chief officers." 

The old man spoke in this strain for some time, until 
I grew tired and left. But just as I was on the point of 
proceeding from his tent, he said: "Look here. Comman- 
dant, re-organise your commando as quickly as you can, 
and report to me as soon as you are ready." He also gave 
me permission to incorporate in the reorganised commando 
various Hollander and German stragglers who were loafing 
about, although he seemed to entertain an irradicable 
prejudice against th^ Dutch and German corps. 

The Commandant of the Hollander corps, Volksraad 
Member Lombard, came out of the battle unscathed; his 
captain, Mr. B. J. Verselewel de Witt Hamer, had been 



42 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

made a prisoner; the Commandant of the German corps, 
Captain A. Schiel, fell wounded into British hands, while 
among the ofhcers who were killed in action I should 
mention Dr. H. J. Coster, the bravest Hollander the 
Transvaal ever saw, the most brilliant member of the 
Pretoria Bar, who laid down his life because in a stupid 
moment Kruger had taunted him and his compatriots with 
cowardice. 



CHAPTER VI. 



KISKING JOUBERT S ANGER. 



AFTER the above unpleasant but fairly successful 
interview with our Commander-in-Chief, I left the 
men I had gathered round me in charge of a field-cornet, 
and proceeded by train to Newcastle to collect the scattered 
remnants of my burghers, and to obtain mules and waggons 
for my convoy, for, as I have previously stated, it was 
at Newcastle we had left all our commissariat- waggons and 
draught cattle under a strong escort. On arrival I sum- 
moned the burghers together, and addressing them in a 
few words, pointed oat that we should, so soon as pos- 
sible, resume the march, in order to reach the fighting 
line without delay, and there retrieve the pride and honour 
of our commando. 

''Our beloved country," I said, "as well as our dead, 
wounded, and missing comrades, require us not to lose 
courage at this first reverse, but to continue the righteous 
struggle even against overwhelming odds," and so on, in 
this strain. 

I honestly connot understand why we should have 
been charged with cowardice at the battle of Elandslaagte, 
although many of us seemed to apprehend that this would 
be the case. We had made a good fight of it, but over- 
whelmed by an organised force of disciplined men, eight 
or ten times our number, we had been vanquished, and 
the British were the first to admit that we had manfully 
and honourably defended our positions. To put a wrong 
construction on our defeat was a libel on all who had 



43 



44 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

bravely fought the fight, and I resented it. There are 
such things as the fortunes of war, and as only one side 
can win, it cannot always be the same. However, I soon 
discovered that a small number of our burghers did not 
seem inclined to join in the prolongation of the struggle. 
To have forced them to rejoin us would have served no 
purpose, so I thought the best policy would be to send 
them home on furlough until they had recovered their 
spirits and their courage. No doubt the scorn and derision 
to which they would be subjected by their wives and 
sisters would soon induce them to take up arms again and to 
fulfil the duties their country required. I therefore requested 
those who had neither the courage nor the inclination to 
return to the front to fall out, and about thirty men fell 
back, bowing their heads in shame. They were jeered at 
and chaffed by their fellows, the majority of whom had 
elected to proceed. But the shock of Elandslaagte had 
been too much for the weaker brethren, who seemed deaf 
to every argument, and only wanted to go home. I gave 
each of these a pass to proceed by rail to Johannesburg, 
which read as follows : — 

"Permit 

to go to Johannesburg on account of cowardice, 
at Government's expense." 

They put the permit in their pockets without suspecting 
its contents, and departed with their kit to the station to 
catch the first available train. 

The reader will now have formed an idea of the 
disastrous moral effect of this defeat, and the subsequent 
difficulty of getting a commando up to its original fighting 
strength. But in spite of this I am proud to say that by 
far the greater number of the Johannesburgers were gathered 
round me and prepared to march to meet the enemy once 
more. 

My trap and all its contents had been captured by the 



RISKING JOUBERT'S ANGER. 45 

enemy at Elandslaagte, and I found it necessary to obtain 
new outfits, &c., at Newcastle. This was no easy matter, 
as some of tlie storekeepers had moved the greater part 
of their goods to a safer place, while some commandos had 
appropriated most of the remainder. What was left had 
been commandeered by Mr. J. Moodie, a favourite of 
General Joubert, who was posing there as Resident Justice 
of the Peace ; and he did not feel inclined to let any of 
these goods out of his possession. By alternately buying 
and looting, or in other words stealing, I managed to get 
an outfit by the next morning, and at break of day we 
left for Dannhauser Station, arriving there the same evening 
without further noteworthy incident. 

Next day, when the Johannesburg corps turned out, 
we numbered 485 mounted men, all fully equipped. On 
arrival at Glencoe Station I received a telegram from 
General Joubert informing me that he had defeated the 
enemy at Nicholson's Nek near Ladj^smith that day (Oc- 
tober 80, 1899) taking 1,300 prisoners, who would arrive 
at Glencoe the following morning. He desired me to conduct 
them to Pretoria under a strong escort. What a flattering 
order ! To conduct prisoners-of-war, taken by other burghers! 
Were we then fit for nothing but police duty ? 

However, orders have to be obeyed, so I sent one of 
nay officers with 40 men to take the prisoners to Pretoria, 
and reported to the Commandant-General by telegram that 
his order had been executed, also asking for instructions 
as to where I was to proceed with my commando. The 
reply I received was as follows: — 

"Pitch your camp near Dundee; and maintain law and 
order in the Province, also aid the Justice of the Peace 
in forwarding captured goods, ammunition, provisions, etc., 
to Pretoria, and see that you are not attacked a second 
time," 

This was more than flesh and blood could bear; more 



40 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

than a "white man" could stand. It was not less than a 
personal insult, which I deeply resented. Evidently my 
chief had resolved to keep us in the background ; he would 
not trust, our commando in the fighting line. In short, 
he would not keep his word and give us another chance 
to recoup our losses. 

I had, however, made up my mind, and ordered the com- 
mando to march to Lady smith. If the General would not have 
me at the front I should cease to be an officer. And, although 
I had no friends of influence who could help me I resolved 
to take the bull by the horns, and leave the rest to fate. 

On the 1st November, 1899, we reached the main 
army near Ladysmith. Having given the order to dis- 
mount I proceeded to Joubert's tent, walked in with as 
much boldness as I could muster, and saluted the General, 
who was fortunately alone. I at once opened my case, 
telling, him how unfair it was to keep us in the rear, 
and that the burghers were loudly protesting against 
such treatment. This plea was generally used throughout 
the campaign when an officer required something to be 
granted him. At first the old General was very wrathful. 
He said I had disobeyed his orders and that he had a 
mind to have me shot for breach of discipline. However, 
after much storming in his fine bass voice, he grew calmer, 
and in stentorian tones ordered me for the time being to 
join General Schalk Burger, who was operating near 
Lombard's Kop in the siege of Ladysmith. 

That same evening I arrived there with my commando 
and reported myself to Lieut-General Burger. One of his 
adjutants, Mr. Joachim Fourie, who distinguished himself 
afterwards on repeated occasion and was killed in action 
near his house in the Carolina district, showed me a place 
to laager in. We pitched our tents on the same spot where 
a few days before Generals White and French had been 
defeated, and there awaited developments. 



RISKING JUBERT'S ANGER. 47 

At this place the British, during the battle of Ni-- 
cholson's Nek, had hidden a large quantity of rifle and 
gun ammunition in a hole in the ground, covering it up 
with grass, which gave it the appearance of a heap 
of rubbish. One of the burghers who feared this would 
be injurious to the health of our men in camp, set the grass 
on fire, and this soon penetrated to the ammunition. A 
tremendous explosion occurred, and it seemed as if there 
were a real battle in progress. From all sides burghers 
dashed up on horseback to learn where the fighting was 
taking place. General Joubert sent an adjutant to enquire 
whether the Johannesburgers were now killing each other 
for a change, and why I could not keep my men under 
better control. I asked this gentlemen to be kind enough 
to see for himself what was taking place, and to tell the 
Commandant-General that I could manage well enough to 
keep my men in order, but had just discovered the exact 
spot where the enemy had hidden their ammunition. 

Meanwhile, it became daily more evident to me how 
greatly Joubert depreciated my commando, and that we 
would have to behave very well and fight very bravely 
to regain his favour. Other commandos also seemed to 
have no better opinion, and spoke of us as the laager 
which had to run at Elandslaagte, forgetting how even 
General Meyer's huge commando had been obliged to retreat 
in the greatest confusion at Dundee. If all the details of 
this Dundee engagement were published it would be discovered 
that it was a Boer disaster only second to that of Elandslaagte. 

We were now, however, at any rate, at the front. I sent 
out my outposts and fixed my positions, which were very 
far from good ; but I decided to make no complaints. We 
had resolved to do our very best to vindicate our honour, 
and to prove that our accusers had no reason to call us 
either cowards or good-for-nothings. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE EOER general's SUPERSTITIONS. 

A FEW days after we had arrived before Ladysmith 
we joined an expedition to reconnoitre the British 
entrenchments, and my commando was ordered near some 
forts on the north-westerly side of the town. Both small and 
large artillery were being fired from each side. We appro- 
ached, within 800 paces of a fort; it was broad daylight 
and the enemy could therefore see us distinctly, knew the 
exact range, and received us with a perfect hailstorm of 
fire. Our only chance was to seek cover behind kopjes 
and in ditches, for on any Boer showing his head the 
bullets whistled round his ears. Here two of my burghers 
were severely wounded, and we had some considerable 
trouble to get them through the firing line to our ambulance. 
At last, late in the afternoon, came the order to retire, 
and we retired after having achieved nothing. I fail 
to see the use of this reconnoitring, but at Ladysmith 
everything was equally mysterious and perplexing. It 
was perhaps that my knowledge of military matters was 
too limited to understand the subtle manoeuvres of those 
days. But I have made up my mind not to criticise our 
leader's military strategy, though I must say at this junc- 
ture that the whole siege of Ladysmith and the manner 
in which the besieged garrison was ineffectually pounded 
at with our big guns for several months, seem to me an 
unfathomable mystery, which, owing to Joubert's untimely 
death, will never be explained satisfactorily. But I venture 
to describe JouLcrt's policy outside Ladysmith as stupid 



48 



BOER GENERAL'S SUPERSTITIONS 49 

and primitive, and in another cliapter I shall again refer to it. 

About a fortnight or so afterwards, we were ordered away 
to guard another position to the south-west of Ladysmith, as 
the Free State commando under Commandant Nel, and, 
unless I am mistaken, under Field-Cornet Christian de Wet 
(afterwards the world-famous chief Commander of the Orange 
Free State, and of whom all Afrikanders are justly proud), 
had to go to cape Colony. 

Here I was under the command of Dijl Erasmus, who 
was then General and a favourite of General Joubert. 
We had plenty of work given us. Trenches had to be 
dug and forts had to be constructed and remodelled. At this 
time an expedition ventured to Estcourt, under General 
Louis Botha, who replaced General L. Meyer, sent home 
on sick leave. My commando joined the expedition under 
Field-Cornet J. Kock, who afterwards caused me a lot of 
trouble. 

I can say but little of this expedition to Estcourt, save 
that the Commander-in-Chief accompanied it. But for his 
being with us, I am convinced that General Botha would 
have pushed on at least as far as Pietermaritzburg, for 
the English were at that time quite unable to stop our 
progress. But after we got to Estcourt, practically unop- 
posed, Joubert, though our burghers had been victorious 
in battle after battle, ordered us to retreat. The only 
explanation General Joubert ever vouchsafed about the 
recall of this expedition was that in a heavy thunderstorm 
which had been raging for two nights near Estcourt, two 
Boers had been struck by lightning, which, according to 
his doctrine, was an infallible sign from the Almighty that 
the commandos were to proceed no further. It seems in- 
credible that in these enlightened daj^s we should find such 
a man in command of an army; it is, nevertheless, a fact 
that the loss of two burghers induced our Commandant- 
General to recall victorious commandos who were carrying 



50 ANGLO-BOEK WAR. 

all before tliem. Tbo English at Pietermaritzburg, and 
even at Durban, were trembling lest we should push for- 
ward to the coast, knowing full well that in no wise could 
they have arrested our progress. And what an improve- 
ment in our position this would have meant! As it was, 
our retirement encouraged the British to push forward their 
fighting line so far as Chieveley Station, near the Tugela 
river, and the commandos had to take up a position in the 
"randjes," on the westerly banks of the Tugela. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

COLENSO AND SPION KOP FIGHTS. 

EIGHT days after my commando had been stationed 
in my new position under General Erasmus, I received 
instructions to march to Potgietersdrift, on the Upper Tugela, 
near Spion Kop, and there to put myself at AndriesCronje's 
disposal. This gentleman was then a general in the Orange 
Free State Army, and although a very venerable looking 
person, was not very successful as a commander. Up to 
the 14th of December, 1899, no noteworthy incident took 
place, and nothing was done but a little desultory scouting 
along the Tugela, and the digging of trenches. 

At last came the welcome order summoning us to action ; 
and we were bidden to march on Colenso Heights with 
200 men to fill up the ranks, as a fight was imminent. 
We left under General Cronje and arrived the next mor- 
ning at daybreak, and a few hours after began the battle 
now known to the world as the Battle of Colenso (15th 
December, 1899). 

I afterwards heard that the commandos under General 
Cronje were to cross the river and attack the enemy's 
left flank. This did not happen, as the greatest confusion 
prevailed owing to the various contradictory orders given 
by the generals. For instance, I myself received four con- 
tradictory orders form four generals within the space of 
ten minutes. I, however, took the initiative in moving my 
men up to the river to attempt the capture of a battery 
of guns on the enemy's left flank which had been left un- 
protected, as was the case with the guns which fell into 

51 



52 ANGLO-BOER WAPw 

our hands later in the day. I had approached within 1,400 
paces of the enemy, and my burghers were following close 
behind me when an adjutant from General Botha (accom- 
panied by a gentleman named C. Fourie, who was then 
parading as a general) galloped up to us and ordered 
us at once to join the Ermelo commando, which was said 
to be too weak to resist the attacks of the enemy. We 
hurried thither as quickly as we could round the fighting 
line, where we were obliged to off-saddle and walk up to 
the position of the Ermelo burghers. This was no easy 
task ; the battle was now in full swing, and the enemy's 
shells were bursting in dozens around us, and in the bur- 
ning sun we had to run some miles. 

When we arrived at our destination Mr. Fourie (the 
.pseudo general) and his adjutant could nowhere be found. 
As to the Ermelo burghers, they said they were quite 
comfortable, and had asked for no assistance. 

Not a single shell had reached them, for a clump of 
aloe trees stood a hundred yards away, which the English 
presumably had taken for Boers, judging by the terrific 
bombardment these trees were being subjected to. 

By this time the attack was repulsed, and General Buller 
was in full retreat to Chievely, though our commando had 
been unable to take an active part in the fighting, at which 
i we were greatly disappointed. It is much to be regretted 
that the retreat of the enemy was not followed up at once. 
Had this been done, the campaign in Natal would have 
taken an entirely different aspect, and very probably would 
have been attended by a more favourable conclusion. I 
consider myself far from a prophet, but this I know; and 
if we had then and on subsequent occasions followed up 
our successes, the result of the Campaign would have been 
far more satisfactory to us. 

After I had assisted in bringing away through the river 
the guns we had taken, and seen to other matters which 



COLENSO AND SPION KOP 53 

required immediate attention, I was ordered to remain 
with the Ermelo commando at Colenso, near Toomdrift, 
and to await there further instructions. 

A few weeks of inactivity followed, the English sending 
us each day a few samples of their shells from their 4.7 
Naval guns. Unfortunately, our guns were of much smaller 
calibre, and we could send them no suitable reply. As a 
rule we would lie in the trenches, and a burgher would 
be on the look-out ; so soon as he saw the flash of an 
Enghsh gun, he would cry out; "There's a shell," and we 
then sought cover, so that the enemy seldom succeeded 
harming us. 

One day a big shell fell amongst a group of fourteen 
burghers who were at dinner. The shell struck a sharp 
rock, which it splintered into fragments, and was emitting 
its yellow lyddite ; but, fortunately, the fuse refused to burn, 
and the shell did not explode, so we had a narrow escape 
that day from a small catastrophe. 

My laager had been at Potgietersdrift all this time, 
and for the time being we were deprived of our tents. 
We were not sorry, therefore, when we were ordered to 
leave Colenso and to return to our camp. 

A few days after we were told off to take up a position 
at the junction of the Little and the Big Tugela, between 
Spion Kop and Colenso. Here we celebrated our first 
Christmas in the field; our friends at Johannesburg had 
sent us a quantity of presents by means of a friend, 
Attorney Raaff, comprising cakes, cigars, cigarettes, tabacco 
and other luxuries. Along this part of the Tugela we found 
a fair quantity of vegetables, and poultry, and as their 
respective owners had fled we were unable to pay for 
what we had. We were obliged, therefore, to "borrow" 
all these things for the banquet befitting to the occasion. 

But General Buller had not quite finished with us yet. 
He marched on Spion Kop, but with the exception of a 



54 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

feint attdck nothing of importance happened then. One 
day I went across the river with a patrol to discover what 
the enemy was doing, when we suddenly came across nine 
English spies, who fled as soon as they saw us. We 
galloped after them, trying to cut them off from the main 
body, which was at a little distance away from us, and 
would no doubt have overtaken them, but, riding at a 
breakneck speed over a mountain ridge, we found ourselves 
suddenly confronted with a strong English mounted corps, 
apparently engaged in drilling. We were only 500 paces 
away from them, and we jumped off our horses, and 
opened fire. But there were only a dozen of us, and the 
enemy soon began sending us a few shells, and prepared 
to attack us with their whole force. About a hundred 
mounted men, with horses in the best of condition, set off 
to pursue us. 

We were obliged to ride back by the same path we 
had come, which was fortunate for us, as we knew the 
way and could ride through crevices and dongas without 
any hesitation. In this way we soon gave our pursuers 
the slip. 

Buller's forces seemed at first to have the intention of 
forcing their way through near Potgietersdrift, and they 
took possession of all the "randts" on their side of the 
river, causing us to strengthen the position on our side. 
We thus had to shift our commando again to Potgietersdrift, 
where we soon had the enemy's Naval guns playing on our 
positions. This continued day and night for a whole week. 

It seemed as if General Buller had determined to 
annihilate all the Boers with his lyddite shells, so as to 
enable the soldiers to walk at their leisure to the release 
of Ladysmith. Certainly we suffered considerably from 
lyddite fumes. 

The British next made a feint attack near Potgietersdrift, 
advancing with a great clamour till they had come within 



COLENSO AND SPION KOP 55 

2,000 paces of us, where they occupied various "randts" 
and kopjes, always under cover of their artillery. Once they 
came a little too close to our positions, aud we suddenly 
opened fire on them. The result was that their ambulance 
waggons were seen to become very busy driving backwards 
and forwards. 

This "feint," however, w^as only made in order to 
divert our attention, while Buller was concentrating his 
troops and guns on Spion Kop. The ruse succeeded to a 
large extent, and on the 21st January the memorable battle 
of Spion Kop (near the Upper Tugela) began. 

General Warren, who, I believe, was in command 
here, had ordered another "feint" attack from the extreme 
right wing. General Cronje and the Free Staters had 
taken up a position at Spion Kop, assisted by the commandos 
of General Erasmus and Schalk Burger. 

The fight lasted the whole of that day and the next, 
and became more and more fierce. Luckily General Botha 
appeared on the scene in time, and re-arranged matters so 
well and with so much energy that the enemy found itself 
well employed, and was kept in check at all points. 

I had been ordered to defend the position at Potgieters- 
drift, but the fighting round Spion Kop became so serious 
that I was obliged to send up a field cornet with his men 
as a reinforcement, which was soon followed by a second 
contingent, making altogether 200 Johannesburgers in the 
fight, of whom nine were killed and 18 wounded. The 
enemy had reached the top of the "kop" on the evening 
of the second day of the fight, not however, without having 
sustained considerable losses. At this juncture one of our 
generals felt so disheartened that he sent away his carts, 
and himself left the battlefield. 

But General Botha kept his ground like a man, 
surrounded by the faithful little band who had already 
borne the brunt of this important battle. And one can 



50 ANGLO-BOER WAR. 

imagine our delight when next morning we found that 
the Enghsh had retired, leaving that immense battlefield, 
strewn with hundreds of dead and wounded, in our hands. 

"What made them leave so suddenly last night?" was 
the question we asked each other then, and which remains 
unanswered to this day. 

General Warren has stated that the cause of his 
departure was the want of water, but I can hardly credit 
that statement, as water could be obtained all the way to 
the top of Spion Kop; and even had it been wanting it 
is not likely that after a sacrifice of 1,200 to 1,300 lives 
the position would have been abandoned on this account 
alone. Our victory was undoubtedly a fluke. 



CHAPTER IX. 



THE BATTLE OF VxVALKRANTZ. 



SOON after his defeat at Spion Kop, General BuUer, 
moved by the earnest entreaties for help from Lad}'- 
smith, and pressed by Lord Roberts, attempted a third 
time to break through our lines. Tliis time my position 
had to bear the onslaught of his whole forces. For some 
days it had been clear to me what the enemy intended 
to do, but I wired in vain to the Commander-in-Chief to 
send me reinforcements, and I was left to defend a front, 
one and a half miles in length, with about 400 men. 
After many requests I at last moved General Joubert to 
send me one of the guns known as "Long Toms," which 
was placed at the rear of our position, and enabled us to 
command the Vaalkrantz, or as we called it, "Pontdrifi" 
kopjes. But instead of the required reinforcements, the 
Commander sent a telegram to General Meyer to Colenso, 
telling him to come and speak to me, and to put some 
heart into me, for it seemed, he said, "as if I had lost faith." 

General Meyer came, and I explained to him how 
matters stood, and that I should not be able to check the 
enormous attacking force with my commando alone. The 
British were at this time only 7,000 paces away from us. 
The required assistance, however, never came, although I 
told the General that a faith strong enough to move 
Majuba Hill would be of no avail without a sufficient 
number of men. 

Early in the morning of the 5th February, 1900, my 
position was heavily bombarded, and before the sun had 

57 



5S ANGLO-BOER WAR 

risen four of my burghers had been put hors de combat. 
The enemy had placed their naval guns on the outskirts 
of the wood known as "Zwartkop" so as to be able to 
command our position from an elevation of about 400 feet. 
I happened to be on the right flank with ninety-five 
burghers and a pom-pom ; my assistant, Commandant 
Jaapie du Preez, commanding the left flank. 

The assailants threw two pontoon bridges across the 
river and troops kept pouring over from 10 o'clock in the 
morning. The whole of the guns were now concentrated 
on my position ; and although we answered with a w«ll- 
directed fire, the enemy charged time after time. 

The number of my fighting men was rapidly dimishing. 
I may say this was the heaviest bombardment I witnessed 
during the whole of the campaign. It seemed to me as 
if all the guns of the British army were being fired at us. 

Their big lyddite guns sent over huge shells, which 
mowed down all the trees on the kopje, while about fifty 
field pieces were incessantly barking away from a shorter 
range. Conan Doyle, in his book, "The Great Boer War," 
states that the British had concentrated no less than seventy- 
three guns on that kopje. In vain I implored the nearest 
Generals for reinforcements and requested our artillery in 
Heaven's name to aim at the enemy's guns. At last, 
however, *Long Tom" commenced operations, but the 
artillerymen in charge had omitted to put the powder in 
a safe place and it was soon struck by a lyddite shell 
which set the whole of it on fire. This compelled us to send 
to the head laager near Ladysmith for a fresh supply 
of powder. 

On looking about me to see liow my burghers were 
getting on I found that many around me had been killed 
and others were wounded. The clothes of the latter were 
burnt and they cried out for help in great agony. 

Our pom-pom had long since been silenced by the 



BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 59 

enemy, and thirty of my burghers had been put out of 
the fight. The enemy's infantry was advancing nearer and 
nearer and there was not much time left to think. I 
knelt down behind a kopje, along with some of tlie men, 
and we kept firing away at 400 paces, but although we 
sent a good many to eternal rest, the fire of the few 
burghers who were left was too weak to stem the onslaught 
of overwhelming numbers. 

A lyddite shell suddenly burst over our very heads. 
Four burghers beside me were blown to pieces and my rifle 
was smashed. It seemed to me as if a huge cauldron of 
boiling fat had burst over us and for some minutes I 
must have lost consciousness. A mouthful of brandy and 
water (which I always carried with me) was given 
me and restored me somewhat, and when I opened 
my eyes I saw the enemy climbing the kopje on 
three sides of us, some of them only a hundred paces 
away. 

I ordered my men to fall back and took charge of 
the pom-pom, and we then retired under a heavy rifle 
and gun fire. Some English writers have made much ado 
about the way in which our pom-pom was saved, but it 
was nothing out of the ordinary. Of the 95 burghers 
with me 29 bad been killed, 24 wounded. 

When I had a few minutes rest I felt a piercing pain 
in my head, and the blood began to pour from my nose 
and ears. 

We had taken up another position at 1,700 paces, and 
fired our pom-pom at the enemy, who now occupied our 
position of a few minutes before. Our other guns were 
being fired as well, which gave the British an exciting 
quarter of an hour. On the right and left of the positions 
taken by them our burghers were still in possession of the 
''randten" ; to the right Jaapie du Preez, with the loss of only 
four wounded, kept his ground with the rest of my commando. 



60 ANGLO-BOEPv WAR 

Next morning the figlit was renewed, and our "Long 
Tom'' now took the lead in the cannon-concert, and seemed 
to make himself very unpleasant to the enemy. 

The whole day was mainly a battle of big guns. My 
headache grew unbearable, and I was very feverish. General 
Botha had meanwhile arrived with reinforcements, and 
towards evening things took a better turn. 

But I was temporarily done for, and again lost cons- 
ciousness, and was taken to the ambulance. Dr. Shaw 
did his best for me ; but I was unconscious for 
several days, and when I revived the doctor told me I 
had a slight fracture of the skull caused by the bursting 
of a shell. The injuries, however, could not have been 
very serious for ten days after I was able to leave my 
bed. I then heard that the night I had been taken to the 
hospital, the British had once more been fored to retire 
across the Tugela, and early in the morning of tlie 7th of 
February our burghers were again in possession of the kopje 
"Vaalkrantz," round which such a fierce fight had waged 
and for the possession of which so much blood had been 
spilled. 

So far as I could gather from the English official 
reports they lost about 400 men, while our dead and 
wounded numbered only sixty-two. 

Taking into consideration the determination with which 
General Buller had attacked us, and how dearly he had 
paid for this third abortive attempt, the retreat of his 
troops remains as much of a mystery to me as that at 
Spion Kop. 

Our "Long Tom" was a decided success, and had 
proved itself to be exceedingly useful. 

The Battle of "Vaalkrantz" kopje was to me and to 
the Johannesburg commando undoubtedly the most important 
and the fiercest fight in this war, and although one point 
in our positions was taken, I think that on the whole we 



BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 61 

may be proud of our defence. About two-thirds of its 
defenders were killed or wounded before the enemy took 
that spot, and all who afterwards visited the kopje where 
our struggle had taken place had to admit, that unmistakable 
evidence showed it to be one of the hottest fights of the 
Natal campaign. All the trees were torn up or smashed 
by shells, great blocks of rock had been splintered and were 
stained yellow by the lyddite ; mutilated bodies were lying 
everywhere — Briton and Boer side by side; for during the 
short time "Vaalkrantz" had been in their possession the 
English had not had an opportunity of burying the bodies 
of friends or foe. 

I think I may quote a few paragraphs of what Dr. 
Doyle says in his book about this engagement : — 

"The artillery-fire (the "Zwartkop" guns and other batteries) was 
then hurriedly aimed at the isolated "Vaalkrantz" (the real object of 
the attack), and had a terrific eff"ect. It is doubtful whether ever before 
a position has been exposed to such an awful bombardment. The weight 
of the ammunition fired by some of the cannon was greater than that 
of an entire German battery during the Franco-Prussian war." 

Prince Kraft describes the 4 and 6-pounders as mere 
toys compared with machine Howitzer and 4.7 guns. 

Dr. Doyle, however, is not sure about the effect of 
these powerful guns, for he says : — 

"Although the rims of the kopje were being pounded by lyddite 
and other bombs it is doubtful whether this terrific fire did much damage 
among the enemy, as seven English officers and 70 men were lying dead 
on the kopje against only a few Boers, who were found to have been 
•wounded." 

Of the pom-pom, which I succeeded in saving from 

the enemy's hands, the same writer says : — 

"It was during this attack that something happened of a more 
picturesque and romantic nature than is usually the case in modern 
warfare; here it was not a question of combatants and guns being 
invisible or the destruction of a great mass of people. In this case it 
concerns a Boer gun, cut off by the British troops, which all of a sudden 
came out of its hiding-place and scampered away like a frightened hare 
from his lair. It fled from the danger as fast as the mules' legs would 
take it, nearly overturning, and jolting and knocking against the rocks, 



62 ANGLO-BOER -AVAR 

while the driver bent forward as far as he could to protect himself from 
the shower of bullets which were whistling round his ears in all directions. 
British shells to the right of him, shells to the left of him bursting and 
spluttering, lyddite shrapnel fuming and fizzing and making the splinters 
fly. But over the "randtje'' the gun disappeared, and in a few minutes after, it 
was in position again, and dealing death and destruction amongst the 
British assailants." 

While I was under treatment in Dr. Shaw's ambulance 
I was honoured by a visit from General Joubert, who came 
to compliment me on what he called the splendid defence 
of Yaalkrantz, and to express his regret at the heavy loss 
sustained by our commando. I heard from Dr. Shaw that 
after the battle the groans and cries of the wounded burghers 
could be heard in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
English outposts. Some burghers volunteered to go, under 
cover of the darkness, to see if they could save these 
wounded men. They cautiously crept up to the foot of 
the kopjes, from where they could plainly see the English 
sentinels, and a little further down found in a ditch two 
of our wounded, named Brand and Liebenberg ; the first 
had an arm and a leg smashed, the latter had a bullet 
in his thigh. 

One can imagine what a terrible plight they were in 
after laying there for two nights and a day, exposed to 
the night's severe cold and the day's scorching sun. 
Their wounds were already decomposing, and the odour 
was most objectionable. 

The two unfortunate men were at once carried to the 
laager and attended to with greatest care. Poor Liebenberg 
died of his wounds soon after. Brand, the youngest 
son of the late President Brand, of the Orange Free State, 
soon recovered, if I remember rightly. 

At the risk of incurring the displeasure of a great 
number of people by adding the following statement to my 
description of the battle of Vaalkrantz, I feel bound to 
state that Commandant-General Joubert, after our successes 



BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 63. 

at Colenso, Spion Kop, and Vaalkrantz, asked the two State 
Presidents, Kruger and Stejm, to consider the urgency of 
making peace overtures to the Enghsh Government. He 
pointed out that the Repubhcs had no doubt reached the 
summit of their glory in the War. The proposal read as 
follows : — That the Republican troops should at once 
evacuate British territory, compensation to be given for the 
damage to property, etc., inflicted hj our commandos, 
against which the British Government was to guarantee 
that the Republics should be spared from any further 
incursions or attacks from British troops, and to waive 
its claim of Suzerainty; and that the British Government 
should undertake not to interfere with the internal affairs 
and legal procedure of the two Republics, and grant general 
amnesty to the colonial rebels. 

Commander-in-Chief Joubert defended these proposals 
by pointing out that England was at that moment in 
difficulties, and had suffered repeated serious defeats. The 
opportunity should be taken, urged the General. 

He was supported by several officers, but other Boer 
leaders contended that Natal, originally Boer territory, should 
never again be ceded to the enemy. As we heard nothing 
more of these proposals, I suppose the two State Presidents, 
rejected them. 



CHAPTER X. 



THE TURN OF THE TIDE. 



AFTER the English forces had retreated from Vaal- 
krantz across the Tugela, a patrol of my commando 
under my faithful adjutant, J. Du Preez, who had taken 
my place lor the time being, succeeded in surprising a 
troop of fifty Lancers, of the 17th regimen, I believe, 
near Zwartkop, east of the Tugela, and making them pri- 
soners after a short skirmish. Among these men, who were 
afterwards sent to Pretoria, was a certain Lieutenant Thur- 
lington. It was a strange sight to see our patrol coming 
back with their victims, each Boer brandishing a captured 
lance. 

Being still in the hospital in feeble health without any 
prospect of a speedy recovery, I took the doctor's advice 
and went home to Roodepoort, near Krugersdorp, where 
my family was staying at the time, and there, thanks to 
the careful treatment of my kind doctor, I soon recov- 
ered my strength. 

On the 25th of February I received a communication 
from my commando to the effect that General Buller had 
once more concentrated his forces on Colenso and that 
heavy fighting was going on. The same evening I also 
had a telegram from President Kruger, urging me to rejoin 
my commando so soon as health would allow, for affairs 
seemed to have taken a critical turn. The enemy appeared 
to mean business this time, and our commando had already 
been compelled to evacuate some very important positions, 
one of which was Pieter's Heights. 

64 



TUHN OF THE TIDE. 65 

Then the news came from Cape Colony that General 
Piet Cronje had been suirounded at Paardeberg, and that 
as he stubbornly refused to abandon his convoy and retreat, 
he would soon be compelled by a superior force to surrender. 

The next morning I was in a fast train to Natal, accom- 
panied by my faithful adjutant, Rokzak. My other adjutant, 
Du Preez, had meantime been ordered to take a reinforce- 
ment of 150 men to Pieter's Heights, and was soon enga- 
ged in a desperate struggle in the locality situated between 
the Krugersdorpers' and the Middleburgers' positions. The 
situation was generally considered very serious when I 
arrived near the head laager at Modderspruit late in the 
evening of the 27th of February, unaware of the unfavou- 
rable turn things had taken during the day at Paardeberg, 
in the Cape Colony, and on the Tugela. We rode on that 
night to my laager at Potgietersdrift, but having to go by 
a roundabout way it took us till early next morning before 
we reached our destination. The first thing I saw on my 
arrival was a cart containing ten wounded men, who had 
just been brought in from the fighting line, all yellow with 
lyddite. 

Field-cornet P. van der Byl, who came fresh from the 
fight near Pieter's Heights, told me that these burghers 
had been wounded there. I asked him what had happened 
and how matters stood. "Ah, Commandant," he replied, 
"things are in a very bad way! Commandant Du Preez 
and myself were called to Pieter's Pleights three days ago, 
as the enemy wanted to force their way through. We were 
in a very awkward position, the enemy storming us again 
and again; but we held our own, and fired on the soldiers 
at 50 paces. Tne English, directed an uninterrupted 
gun fire at our commandos, and wrought great havoc. 
Early Sunday morning the other side asked for a truce to 
enable them to bury their dead who were lying too close 
to our positions to be got at during the fighting. Many 



GG ANGLO-BOER WAR 

of their wounded were lying there as well, and the air 
was rent during 24 hours witli their agonised groans, which 
were awful to hear. We, therefore, granted an armistice 
till 6 o'clock in the evening." (This curiously coincided 
in time with the refusal to Cronje at Paardeberg when he 
asked for an armistice in order to bury his dead). 

"The enemy," continued the field-cornet, "broke through, 
several positions, and while we were being fired at by the 
troops which were advancing on us, we were attacked on 
our left flank and in the rear. Assistant-Commandant Du 
Preez, and Field-Cornet Mostert, were both severely woun- 
ded, but are now in safe hands. Besides these, 42 of our 
burghers were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; we 
could only bring 16 of our wounded with us. The Kru- 
gersdorpers, too, have suffered severely. The enemy has 
pushed through, and I suppose my burghers are now taking 
up a position in the "randten" near Onderbroekspruit," 

Here was a nice state of things ! When I had left my 
commando 15 days previously, we had had heavy losses 
in the battle of Vaalkrantz, and now again my bjirghers 
had been, badly cut up. We had lost over 100 men in 
one month. 

But there was no time to lose in lamenting over these 
matters, for I had just received information that General 
P. Cronje had been taken prisoner with 4,000 men. The 
next report was to the effect that the enemy was breaking 
through near Onderbroekspruit, and that some burghers 
were retiring past Ladysmith. I was still in telegraphic 
communication with the head laager, and at once wired to 
the Commandant-General for instructions. The answer was: — 

"Send your carts back to Modderspruit (our headquarters) and hold 
the position with your mounted commandos." 

The position indicated was on the Upper Tugela, on a 
line with Colenso. My laager was about 20 miles away 
from the head laager; the enemy had passed through On- 



TURN OF THE TIDE 67 

derbroekspruit, and was pushing on with all possible speed 
to relieve Ladysmith, so that I now stood in an oblique 
line with the enemy's rear. I sent out my carts to the 
southwest, going round Ladysmith in the direction of Mod- 
derspruit. One of my scouts reported to me that the Free 
State commandos which had been besieging Ladysmith to 
the south, had all gone in the direction of Van Reenen's 
Pass another brought the information that the enemy had 
been seen to approach the village, and that a great force 
of cavalry was making straight for us. 

General Joubert's instructions were therefore inexplicabl© 
to me, and if I had carried them out I would probably 
have been cut off by the enemy. My burghers were also 
getting restless, and asked me *'why, while all the other 
commandos were retiring, we did not move?" Cronje's sur- 
render had had a most disheartening effect on them; there 
was, in fact, quite a panic among them. I mounted a high 
kopje from which I could see the whole Orange Free State 
army, followed by a long line of quite 500 carts and a lot 
of cattle, in full retreat, and enveloped in great clouds of 
red dust. To the right of Ladysmith I also noticed a si- 
milar melancholy procession. On turning round, I saw the 
English in vast numbers approaching very cautiously, so 
slowly, in fact, that it would take some time before they 
could reach us. Another and great force was rushing up 
behind them, also in the direction of Ladysmith. 

It must have been a race for the Distinguished Service 
Order or the Victoria Cross to be won by the one who 
was first to enter Ladysmith. We knew that the British 
infantry, aided by the artillery, had paved the way for 
relief, and I noticed the Irish Fusiliers on this occasion^ 
as always, in the van. But Lord Dundonald rushed in and 
was proclaimed the hero of the occasion. 

Before concluding this chapter I should like to refer 
to a few incidents which happened during the Siege of 



68 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Ladysmith. It is unnecessary to give a detailed description 
of the destruction of "Long Tom" at Lombardskop or the 
blowing up of another gun west of Ladysmith, belonging 
to the Pretoria Commando. The other side have written 
enough about this, and made enough capital out of them ; 
and many a D. S. 0. and V. C. has been awarded on 
account of them. 

Alas, I can put forward nothing to lessen our dishonour. 
As regards the "Long Tom" which was blown up, this 
was pure treachery, and a shocking piece of neglect, 
Commandant Weilbach, who ought to have defended this 
gun with the whole of his Heidelberg Commando, was 
unfaithful to his charge. The Heidelbergers, under a better 
officer, subsequently proved themselves excellent soldiers. 
A certain Major Erasmus was also to blame. He was con- 
tinually under the influence of some beverage which could not 
be described as "aqua pura"; and we, therefore, expected 
little from him. But although the planning and the execution 
of the scheme to blow up "Long Tom" was a clever piece of 
work, the British wasted time and opportunity amusing 
themselves in cutting out on the gun the letters "R. A." 
(Royal Artillery), and the effect of the explosion was only 
to injure part of the barrel. After a little operation in the 
workshops of the Netherlands South African Railway Com- 
pany at Pretoria under the direction of Mr. Uggla, our 
gun-doctor, "Long Tom's" mouth was healed and he could 
spit fire again as well as before. As to the blowing up 
of the howitzer shortly after, I will say the incident reflected 
no credit on General Erasmus, as he ought to have been 
warned by what happened near Lombardskop, and to have 
taken proper precautions not to give a group of starving 
and suffering soldiers an opportunity of penetrating his 
lines and advancing right up to his guns. 

Both incidents will be an ugl}^ blot on the history of 
this war, and I am sorry to say the two Boer oflBcers have 



TURN OF THE TIDE 69 

never received condign punishment. They should, at any 
rate, have been called before the Commandant-General to 
explain their conduct. 

The storming of Platrand (Csesar's Camp), south-east 
of Ladysmith, on the 6th of January, 1900, also turned 
out badly for many reasons. The attack was not properly 
conducted owing to a jealousy amongst some of the generals 
and there was not proper co-operation. 

The burghers who took part in the assault and captured 
several forts did some splendid work, which they might 
well be proud of, but they were not seconded as they should 
have been. The enemy knew that if they lost Platrand, 
Ladysmith would have to surrender ; they therefore defended 
every inch of ground, with the result that our men were 
finally compelled to give way. And, for our pains, we 
sustained an enormous loss in men, which did not improve 
in any way the already broken spirit of our burghers. 



CHAPTER XL 

THE GREAT BOER RETREAT. 

THERE was clearly no help for it, we had to retreat, 
I gave orders to saddle up and to follow the example 
of the other commandos, reporting the fact to the Com- 
mandant-General. An answer came — not from Modderspruit 
this time, but from the station beyond Elandslaagte — that 
a general retreat had been ordered, most of the commandos 
having already passed Ladysmith, and that General Joubert 
had gone in advance to Glencoe, At dusk I left the Tugela 
positions which we had so successfully held for a considerable 
time, where we had arrested the enemy from marching to 
the relief of Ladysmith, and where so many comrades had 
sacrificed their lives for their country and their people. 

It was a sad sight to see the commandos retreating in 

utter chaos and disorder in all directions. I asked many 

officers what instructions they had received, but nobody 

seemed to know what the orders actually were; their only 

fidea seemed to be to get away as quickly as possible. 

Finally, at 9 o'clock in the evening we reached Klip 
Hiver, where a strange scene was taking place. The banks 
were crowded with hundreds of mounted men, carts and 
cattle mingled in utter confusion amongst the guns, all 
awaiting their turn to cross. With an infinite amount of 
trouble the carts were all got over one at a time. After 
a few minutes' rest I decided on consulting my officers, 
that we should cross the river with our men by another 
drift further up the stream, our example being followed 
by a number of other commandos. 



70 



GREAT BOER RETREAT 71 

I should point out here that in retreating we where 
going to the left, and therefore in perilous proximity to 
Ladysmith. The commandos which had been investing the 
town were all gone; and Buller's troops had already reached 
it from the eastern side, and there was really nothing to 
prevent the enemy from turning our rear, as we perforce had 
to pass Ladysmith on our way from the Tugela. When we 
had finally got through the drift late that evening, a rumour 
reached us that the British were in possession of Modder- 
spruit, and so far as that road was concerned, our retreat 
was effectually cut off. 

Shortly before the War, however, the English had 
made a new road which followed the course of the Klip 
River up to the Drakensbergen, and then led through the 
Biggarsbergen to Newcastle. This road was, I believe, made 
for military purposes; but it was very useful to us, and 
our wagons were safely got away by it. 

Commandant D. Joubert, of the Carolina Commando, 
then sent a message asking for reinforcements for the 
Pretoria laager, situated to the north-west of Ladysmith. 
It was a dark night and the rain was pouring down in 
torrents, which rendered it very difficult to get the necessary 
burghers together for this purpose. 

I managed, to induce a sufficient number of men 
to come together, and we rode back; but on nearing 
the Pretoria Laager, I found to my dismay that there were 
only 22 of us left. What was to be done? This handful 
of men was of very little use; yet to return would have 
been cowardly, and besides, in the meantime our laager 
would have gone on, and would now be several hours' riding 
ahead of us. I sent some burghers in advance to see what 
was happening at the Pretoria Laager. It seemed strange 
to me that the place should still be in the hands of our 
men, seeing that all the other commandos had long since 
retired. After waiting fully an hour, our scouts came back 



72 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

with the information that the laager was full of English 
soldiers, and that they had been able to hear them quar- 
relling about the booty left behind by the burghers. 

It was now two o'clock in the morning. Our Pretoria 
comrades were apparently safe, and considerably relieved 
we decided to ride to Elandslaagte which my men would 
have surely reached by that time. Our carts wei^e sooner 
or later bound to arrive there, inasmuch as they were in 
charge of a field-cornet known to us as one of our best "retreat 
officers." I think it was splendid policy under the circum- 
stances to appoint such a gentleman to such a task; I felt 
sure that the enemy would never overtake him and capture 
his carts. We followed the main road, which was fortunately 
not held by the enemy, as had been reported to us. On 
the way we encountered several carts and waggons which 
had been cast away by the owners for fear of being caught 
up by the pursuing troops. Of course the rumour that this 
road was in possession of the English was false, but it 
increased the panic among the burghers. Not only carts 
had been left behind, but, as was found in places, sacks 
of flour, tins of coffee, mattresses and other jettison, thrown 
out of the carts to lighten their burden. 

On nearing Elandslaagte we caught up the rear of the 
fleeing commandos. Here we learned that Generals Botha 
and Meyer were still behind us with their commandos, near 
Lombardsdorp. We off-saddled, exhausted and half starving. 
Luckily some of the p revisions of our commissariat, which 
had been stored here during the Ladysmith investment, 
had not been carried away. But, to our disgust, we found 
that the Commissariat-Commissioner had set fire to the 
whole of it, so we had to appease our hunger by picking 
half-burned potatoes out of a fire. 

At 7 o'clock next morning General Botha and his men 
arrived at Elandslaagte and ofFsaddled in hopes of getting 
something to eat. They were also doomed to disappointment. 



GREAT BOER RETREAT 73 

Such wanton destruction of God's bounty was loudly con- 
demned, and had Mr. Pretorius, the Commissioner of Stores, 
not been discreet enough to make himself scarce, he would 
no doubt have been subjected to a severe "sjamboking." 
Later in the day a council of war was held, and it was 
decided that we should all stay there for the day, in order 
to stop the enemy if they should pursue us. Meantime we 
would allow the convoys an opportunity of getting to the 
other side of the Sunday River. 

The British must have been so overjoyed at the relief 
of Ladysmith that Generals Buller and White did not think 
it necessary to pursue us, at any rate for some time, a 
consideration for which we were profoundly grateful. Me- 
thinks General Buller must have felt that he had paid a 
big price for the relief of Ladysmith, for it must have cost 
him many more lives than he had relieved. But in that 
place were a few Jingos (Natal Jingos) who had to be 
released, I suppose, at any costs. 

My burghers and I had neither cooking utensils nor 
food, and were anxious to push forward and find our 
convoys; for we had not as yet learned to live without 
carts and commissariat. At dusk the generals — I have no 
idea who they were — ordered us to hold the "randjes" 
south of the Sunday River till the following day, and that 
no burghers were to cross the river. This order did not 
seem to please the majority, but the Generals had put a 
guard near the bridge, with instructions to shoot any 
burghers and their horses should they try to get to the 
other side; so they had perforce, to remain where they 
were. Now I had only 22 men under my command, and 
I did not think these would make an appreciable difference 
to our fighting force, so I said to myself: "To-night we 
shall have a little game with the generals for once." 

We rode towards the bridge, and of course the guard 
there threatened to fire on us if we did not go back 



74 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

immediately. My adjutant, rode up and said: "Stand back, 

you ! This is Commandant Viljoen, who has been 

•ordered to hurry up a patrol at '' (mentioning some place 

a few miles away) "which is in imminent danger of being 
captured." 

The guards, quite satisfied, stepped JDack and favoured 
Tis with a military salute as we rode by. When we had 
been riding a little way I heard someone ask them what 
"people" they were who had passed over the bridge, and 
I caught the words: "Now you will see that they will all 
want to cross." 

I do not contend I was quite right in acting in this 
insubordinate manner, but we strongly objected to being 
put under the guard of other commandos by some one 
irresponsible general. I went on that night till we reached 
the Biggarsbergen, and next day sent out scouts in the 
•direction of the Drakensbergen to inquire for the scattered 
remains of my commando. The mountains were covered 
with cattle from the laagers about Glencoe Station. The 
Boers there were cooking food, shoeing their horses, or 
repairing their clothes ; in fact, they were very comfortable 
■and very busy. They remarked: "There are many more 
burghers yonder with the General; we are quite sure of 
that." .... "The Commandant-General is near Glencoe 
^nd will stop the retreating men." 

In short, as was continually happening in the War, 
•everything was left to chance and the Almighty. Luckily 
General Botha had deemed it his duty to form a rearguard 
and cover our retreat; otherwise the English would 
have captured a large number of laagers, and many burghers 
whose horses were done up. But, whereas we had too 
little descipline, the English had evidently too much. It 
is not for me to say why General Buller did not have us 
followed up; but it seems that the British lost a splendid 
•chance. 



GREAT BOER RETREAT 75 

Some days went by without anything of note happening. 
My scouts returned on the third day and reported that 
my commando and its laager had safely got through, and 
'€0uld be expected the next day. Meanwhile I had procured 
some provisions at Glencoe, and for the time being we 
had nothing to complain about. 

I was very much amused next day to receive by 
■despatch-rider a copy of a telegram from Glencoe sent by 
'General Joubert to General Prinsloo at Harrismith (Orange 
Free State) asking for information regarding several missing 
commandos and officers, amongst whom my name appeared, 
while the telegram also contained the startling news that 
my commando had been reported cut up at Klip River 
iind that I had been killed in action ! This was the second 
time that I had been killed, but one eventually gets used 
;to that sort of thing. 

I sent, by the despatch-rider, this reply : — ■ 

*I and my commando are very much alive ! " Adding: 
"Tell the General we want four slaughter oxen." 

The following day I received orders to attend a council 
■of war which was to be held at Glencoe Station. The 
principal object of this gathering was to discuss further 
plans of operation, to decide as to where our next positions 
were to be taken, and where the new fighting line would 
■be formed. 

We all met at the appointed time in a big unoccupied 
hall near Glencoe Station, where General Joubert opened 
the last council that he was to conduct in this world. 
Over 50 officers were present and the interest was very 
keen for several reasons. In the first place we all desired 
•some official information about the fate of General Cronje 
and his burghers at Paardeburg, and in the second place 
some expected to hear something definite about the inter- 
vention of which so much had been said and written of 
late. In fact many thought that Russia, France, Germany 



76 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

or the United States of America would surely intervene so 
soon as tlie fortunes of war began to turn against us. My 
personal opinion was stated just before the war at a public 
meeting, held in Johannesburg, where I said : "If we are 
driven to war we must not rely for deliverance on foreign 
powers, but on God and the Mauser." 

Some officers thought we ought to retire to our 
frontiers as far as Laing's Nek, and it was generally 
believed that this proposal would be adopted. According 
to our custom General Joubert opened the council with 
an address, in which he described the situation in its details. 
It was evident that our Commandant-General was very 
low-spirited and melancholy, and was suffering greatly from 
that painful internal complaint which was so soon to put 
an end to his career. 

No less than eleven assisting commandants and fighting 
generals were present, and yet not one could say who was 
next in command to General Joubert. I spoke to some 
friends about the irregularities which occured during our 
retreat from Ladysmith : how all the generals were absent 
except Botha and Meyer, while the latter was on far from 
good terms with General Joubert since the unfortunate 
attack on Platrand. This was undoubtedly due to the 
want of co-operation on the part of the various generals, 
and I resolved if possible, to bring our army into a closer 
union. I therefore proposed a motion : — 

•That all the generals be asked to resign, with the exception of 
one assistant commandant-general and one fighting general." 

Commandant Engelbrecht had promised to second my 
proposal, but when it was read out his courage failed him. 
The motion, moreover, was not very well received, and 
when it was put to the vote I found that I stood alone, 
even my seconder having forsaken me. As soon as an 
opportunity presented itself I asked General Joubert who 
was to be second in command. My question was not 



GREAT BOER RETREAT 77 

answered directly, but egged on by my colleagues, I asked 
whether General Botha would be next in command. To 
this he replied : "Yes, that is what I understand " 

And if I am not mistaken, this was the first announ- 
cement of the important fact that Botha was to lead us 
in future. 

Much more was said and much arranged; some of 
the commandos were to go to Cape Colony and attempt 
to check the progress of Lord Roberts, who was marching 
steadily north after Cronje's surrender. Finally each officer 
had some position assigned to him in the mountain-chain 
we call the Biggarsbergen. I was placed under General 
Meyer at Vantondersnek, near Pomeroy, and we left at 
once for our destination. From this place a pass leads 
through the Biggarsbergen, about 18 miles from Glencoe 
Station. 



CHAPTER XII. 

DRIVEN FROM THE BIGGARSBERGEN. 

WE spent the next few weeks in entrenching and 
fortifying our new positions. General Botha had 
left with some men for the Orange Free State which Lord 
Roberts, having relieved Kimberley, was marching through. 
General Joubert died about this time at Pretoria, having 
been twenty-one years Commandant-General of the South 
African Republic. He was without doubt one of the most, 
prominent figures in the South Africa drama. 

General Botha now took up the chief command and 
soon proved himself to be worthy of holding the reins. 
He enjoyed the confidence and esteem of our whole army,, 
a very important advantage under our trying circumstances. 

Assisted by De Wet he was soon engaged in organizing 
the commondos in the Orange Free State, and in attempting 
to make some sort of a stand against the British, who 
were now marching through the country in overwhelming 
numbers. In this Republic the burghers had been under 
the command of the aged General Prinsloo, who had 
become so downhearted that the supreme command was 
taken from him and given to General De Wet. Prinsloo 
surrendered soon after, in doing which he did his people 
his greatest service; it was, however, unfortunate that he 
should have succeeded in leading with him 900 burghers 
into the hands of the enemy. 

In the Biggarsbergen we had nothing to do but to 
sleep, and eat, and drink. On two separate occasions, 
we were ordered to join others in attacking the enemy's 



73 



THE BIGGARSBERGEN 79^ 

camp at Elandslaagte. This was done with much ado, but^ 
I would rather say nothing about the way in which the 
attacks were directed. It suffices to say that both failed 
miserably, and we were forced to retire quicker than we 
had come. 

Our generals meantime, were very busy issuing innu- 
merable circulars to the different commandos. It is impossible 
for me to remember the contents of all these curious mani- 
festos, but one read as follows: — 

"A roll-call of all burghers is to be taken daily; weekly reports are- 
to be sent to headquarters of each separate commando, and the minimum 
number of burghers making up a field-cometship are to be under a. 
corporal; and these corporals are to hold a roll-call every day, and to 
send in weekly detailed reports of their men to the Field-Comet and 
Commandant, who in his turn must report to the General." 

Another lengthy circular had full instructions ancJ 
regulations for the granting of "leave" to burghers, an 
intricate arrangement which gave officers a considerable 
amount of trouble. The scheme was known as the "furlough 
system," and was an effort to introduce a show of orga- 
nisation into the weighty matter of granting leave of 
absence. It failed, completely to have its desired effect- 
It provided that one-tenth of each commando should be- 
granted furlough for a fortnight and then return to allow 
another tenth part to go in its turn. In a case of sick leave, 
a doctor's certificate was required, which had to bear the 
counter-signature of the field-cornet; its possessor was then 
allowed to go home instead of to the hospital. Further, a 
percentage of the farmers were allowed from time to time 
to go home and attend to pressing matters of their farms,, 
such as harvesting, shearing scheep, etc. Men were chosen 
by the farmers to go and attend to matters not only for 
themselves but for other farmers in their districts as well.. 
The net result of all this was that when everybody who 
could on one pretext or another obtain furlough had done- 
so, about a third of each commando was missing. My 



80 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

burghers who were mostly men from the Witwatersrand 
Goldfields, could of course obtain no leave for farming 
purposes; and great dissatisfaction prevailed, I was inun- 
dated with conplaints about their unfair treatment in 
this respect and only settled matters with considerable 
trouble. 

I agree that this matter had to be regulated somehow, 
and I do not blame the authorities for their inability to 
cope with the difficulty. It seemed a great pity, however, 
that the commandos should be weakened so much and 
that the fighting spirit should be destroyed in this fashion. 
Of course it was our first big war and our arrangements 
were naturally of a very primitive character. 

It was the beginning of May before our friends the 
enemy, at Ladysmith and Elandslaagte, began to show some 
signs of activity. We discovered unmistakable signs that 
some big forward movement was in progress, but we could 
not discover on which point the attack was to be directed. 
Buller and his men were marching on the road along 
Vantondersnek, and I scented heavy fighting for us again. 
I gathered a strong patrol and started out to reconnoitre 
the position. We found that the enemy had pitched their 
camp past Waschbank in great force, and were sending 
out detachments in an easterly direction. From this I 
concluded that they did not propose going through Van- 
tondersnek, but that they indended to attack our left flank 
at Helpmakaar. This seemed, to me at any rate, to be 
General Buller's safest plan. 

Helpmakaar was east of my position; it is a little 
village elbowed in a pass in the Biggarsbergen. By taking 
this point one could hold the key to our entire extended 
line of defence, as was subsequently only too clearly shown. 
I pointed this out to some of our generals, but a com- 
mandant's opinion did not weigh much just then ; nor was 
any notice taken of a similar warning from Commandant 



THE BIGGARSBERGEN 81 

Christian Botha, who held a position close to mine with 
the Swaziland burghers. 

We had repeated skirmishes with the English outposts 
during our scouting expeditions, and on one occasion we 
suddenly encountered a score of men of the South African 
Light Horse. 

We noticed them in a "donk" (a hollow place) thickly 
covered with trees and bushes, but hot before we were right 
amongst them. It appears they mistook us for Englishmen 
while we thought at first they were members of Colonel 
Blake's Irish Brigade. Many of them shook hands with us, 
and a burgher named Vivian Cogell asked them in Dutch: 
"How are you, boys?'' 

To which an Englishman, who understood a little Dutch, 
answered: "Oh, all right; where do you come from?" 

Vivian replied: "From Viljoen's commando; we are 
scouting." 

Then the Englishman discovered who we were, but 
Vivian gave the man no time for reflection. Riding up to 
him, he asked. "What regiment do you belong to?" 

"To the South African Light Horse," answered the 
Englishman. 

"Hands up!" retorted Vivian, and tlie English-Afrikander 
threw down his gun and put up his hands. 

"Hands up! Hands up! was the cry now universally 
heard, and although a few escaped the majority were disarmed 
and made prisoners. It had been made a rule that when 
a burgher captured a British soldier he should be allowed 
to conduct him to Pretoria, where he could then obtain a 
few days' leave to visit his family. This did much to 
encourage our burghers to make prisoners, although many 
lost their lives in attempting to do so. 

The next day, General Buller marched on Helpmakaar, 
passing close to our position. We fired a few shots from 
our Creusot gun, and had several light skirmishes. The 



82 A^GLO-BOEIl WAR 

enemy, however, concentrated the fire of a few batteries- 
on us, and our guns were soon silenced. 

General L. Meyer had arrived with some reinforcements 
close to Helpmakaar, but the position had never been 
strengthened, and the sole defending force consisted of the 
Piet Ketief burghers, known as the "Piet Retreaters," 
together with a small German corps. The result was easy 
to predict. The attack was made, and we lost the position 
without serioush' attempting to defend it. Buller was now, 
therefore, in possession of the key to the Boer position in 
Natal, a position which we had occupied for two months — and 
could therefore, have fortified to perfection — and whose 
strategic importance should have been known in its smallest 
details. I think our generals, who had a sufficient force 
at their disposal, of which the mobility has become 
world-famed, should have been able to prevent such a 
fiasco as our occupation of the splendid line of defence 
in the Biggarsbergen turned out to be. 

Here, for the first time in the war. General Buller 
utilised his success, and followed up our men as they were 
retreating on Dundee. He descended by the main waggon 
track from Helpmakaar, and drove the commandos like 
sheep before him. I myself was obliged to move away in- 
hot haste and join the general retreat. Once or twice our 
men attempted to make a stand, but with little success. 

When w^e reached Dundee the enemy gradually slackened 
off pursuit, and at dark we were clear of them. Satisfied 
with their previous day's success, and sadly hampered by 
their enormous convoys, the English now allowed us to 
move on at our leisure. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE "great powers" TO INTERVENE. 

DURING the retreat of our army to the frontier of 
the Transvaal Repubhc nothing of importance 
occurred. Here again confusion reigned supreme, and none 
of the commandos were over-anxious to form rearguards. 
Our Hollander Railway Company made a point of placing 
a respectful distance between her rolling-stock and the 
enemy, and, anxious to lose as few carriages as possible, 
raised innumerable difficulties when asked to transport our 
men, provisions and ammunition. Our generals had mean- 
time proceeded to Laing's Nek by rail to seek new positions, 
and there was no one to maintain order and discipline. 

About 150 Natal Afrikanders who had joined our 
commandos when these under the late General Joubert 
occupied the districts about Newcastle and Ladysmith, now 
found themselves in an awkward position. They elected 
to come with us, accompanied by their families and live 
stock, and they offered a most heartrending spectacle. 
Long rows of carts and wagons wended their way wearily 
along the road to Laing's Nek. Women in tears, with 
their children and infants in arms, cast reproachful glances 
at us as being the cause of their misery. Others occupied 
themselves more usefully in driving their cattle. Altogether 
it was a scene the like of which I hope never to see again. 
. The Natal kaffirs now had an opportunity of displaying 
their hatred towards the Boers. As soon as we had left 
a farm and its male inhabitants had gone, they swooped 
down on the place and wrought havoc and ruin, plundering 



83 



84 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and looting to their utmost carrying capacity. Some even 
assaulted women and children, and the most awful atrocities 
were committed. I attach more blame to the whites who 
encouraged these plundering bands, especially some of the 
Imperial troops and Natal men in military service. Not 
understanding the bestial nature of the kaffirs, they, used 
them to help carry out their work of destruction, and 
although they gave them no actual orders to molest the 
people, they took no proper steps of preventing this. 

When our commando passed through New-castle, we 
found the place almost entirely deserted, excepting for a 
few British subjects who had taken an oath of neutrality 
to the Boers. 

I regret to have to state that during our retreat a 
number of irresponsible persons set fire to the Government 
buildings in that town. It is said that an Italian officer 
burned a public hall on no reasonable pretext ; certainly 
he never received orders to that effect. As may be expected 
of an invading army, some of our burgher patrols and 
other isolated bodies of troops looted and destroyed a 
number of houses which had been temporarily deserted. 
But with the exception of these few cases, I can state that 
no outrages were committed by us in Natal, and no 
property was needlessly destroyed. 

On our arrival at Laing's Nek a Council of War was 
immediately held to decide our future plans. 

We now found ourselves once more on the old 
battlefields of 1880 and 1881, where Boer and Briton had 
met 20 years before to decide by trial of arms who should 
be master of the S. A. Republic. Traces of that desperate 
struggle were still plainly visible, and the historic height 
of Majuba stood there, an isolated sentinel, recalhng to us 
the battle in which the unfortunate Colley lost both the 
day and his life. 

I was told off to take up a position in the Nek where 



"POWERS" TO INTERVENE 85 

the wagon-road runs to the east across the railway-tunnel, 
and here we made preparations for digging trenches and 
placing our guns. Soon after we had completed our 
entrenchments we once more saw the enemy. They were 
lying at Schuinshoogte on the Ingogo, and had sent a 
mounted corps with two guns to the Nek. Although we 
had no idea of the enemy's strength, we were fully prepared 
to meet the attack ; the Pretoria, Lydenburg and other 
laagers were posted to the left on the summit of Majuba 
Hill, and other commandos held good positions on the 
east. But the enemy evidently thought that we had fled 
all the way back to Pretoria, and not expecting to find 
the Nek occupied, advanced quite unconcerned. We fired 
a few volleys at them, which caused them to halt in 
considerable surprise, and, replying with a little artillery 
fire, they quickly returned to Schuinshoogte. We had, 
however, to be on our guard both day and night. It was 
bitterly cold at the time and a strong easterly wind was 
blowing. 

Next day something occurred which afforded a change 
to the monotony of our situation, namely, the arrival from 
Pretoria of Mr. John Lombaard, member of the First 
Volksraad for Bethel. He asked permission to address us 
and informed us that we need only hold out another 
fortnight, for news from Europe had reached them to the 
effect that the Great Powers had decided to put an end 
to the War. This communication emanating from such a 
semi-official source was believed by a certain number of 
our men, but I think it did very little to brighten up the 
spirits of the majority, or arouse them from the lethargy 
into which they seemed to have fallen. A fortnight passed^ 
and a month, without us hearing anything further of this 
expected intervention, and I have never been able to 
discover on whose authority and by whose orders Mr. 
Lombaard made to us that remarkable communication. 



86 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

" Meantime, General Buller did not seem at all anxious 
to attack us, perhaps fearing a repetition of the "accidents" 
on the Tugela; or possibly he thought that our position 
was too strong. For some reason, therefore, Laing's Nek 
was never attacked, and Buller afterwards, having made 
a huge "detour," broke through Botha's Pass. Meanwhile, 
Lord Roberts and his forces were marching without oppo- 
sition through the Orange Free State, and I was ordered 
to proceed to Vereeniging with my commando. We left 
Laing's Nek on the 19th of May, and proceeded to the 
Free State frontier by rail. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED. 



OUR first intention was to proceed to Vereeniging, 
there to join General Botha's forces. At KHp River 
Station, that preceding Vereeniging, I was ordered, to 
leave my carts behind and proceed with my men to Vaalbank, 
as the enemy were advancing by forced marches, and had 
compelled all the other commandos to fall back on Vereeniging. 

On our way we met groups of retreating burghers, 
each of whom gave us a different version of the position. 
Some said that the enemy had already swept past Vereeniging, 
others that they could not now be stopped until they 
reached Johannesburg. Further on we had the good 
fortune to encounter General Botha and his staff. The 
General ordered me to take up a position at the Gatsrand, 
near the Nek at Pharaohsfontein, as the British having 
split their forces up into two parts, would send one portion 
iio cross the Vaal River at Lindeque's Drift, whilst the 
other detachments would follow the railway past Vereeniging. 
Generals Lernmer and Grobler were already posted at the 
Gatsrand to obstruct the enemy's progress. 

I asked General Botha how we stood. He sighed, 
and answered: "If only the burghers would fight we could 
stop them easily enough ; but I cannot get a single burgher 
to start fighting. I hope their running mood will soon 
change into a fighting mood. You keep your spirits up, 
and let us do our duty." 

"AH rights General," I answered, and we shook hands 
lieartily, ' 

87 



88 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

We rode on through the evening and at midnight 
halted at a farm to give our horses rest and fodder. The 
owner of the farm was absent on duty, and his family 
had been left behind. On our approach the women-folk, 
mistaking us for Englishmen, were terrified out of their 
wits. Remembering the atrocities and horrors committed 
in Natal on the advance of the Imperial troops, they 
awaited the coming of the English with the greatest terror. 
On the approach of the enemy many women and children 
forsook their homes and wandered about in caves and 
woods for days, exposed to every privation and inclemency 
of the weather, and to the attacks of wandering bands of 
plundering kaflirs. 

Mrs. van der Merwe whom we met here, was exceedingly 
kind to us and gave us plenty of fodder for our horses. 
We purchased some sheep, and slaughtered them and 
enjoyed a good meal before sunrise, and each one of us bore 
away a good-sized piece of mutton as provision for the future. 

Our scouts, whom w^e had despatched over night, 
informed us that Generals Lemmer and Grobler had taken 
up their stand to the right of Pharaohsfontein in the 
Gatsrand, and that the English were approaching in enor- 
mous force. 

By nine in the morning we had taken up our positions, 
and at noon the enemy came in sight. Our commando 
had been considerably reduced, as many burghers, finding 
themselves near their homes, had applied for twenty-four 
hours' leave, which had been granted in order to allow 
them to arrange matters before the advance of the English on 
their farms made it impossible. A few also had deserted 
for the time being, unable to resist the temptation of 
visiting their families in the neighbourhood. 

Some old burghei-s .approached us and hailed us with 
the usual "Morning, boys! Which commando do you 
belonjr to?" 



DISPIRITED AND DE.VIORALISED 89 

"Viljoen's." 

"We would like to see your Commandant," they 
answered. 

Presenting myself, I asked : "Who are you, and where 
do you come from, and where are you going to ?" 

They answered; "We are scouts of General Lemmer 
and we came to see who is holding this position." 

"But surely General Lemmer knows that I am here?" 

"Very probably," they replied, "but we wanted to 
know for ourselves ; we thought we might find some of 
our friends amongst you. You come from Natal don't you ?" 

"Yes," I answered sadly. "We have come to reinforce 
the others, but I fear we can be of little use. It seems 
to me that it will be here as it was in Natal; all running 
and no fighting." 

■ ''Alas !" they said, "the Free Staters will not remain 
in one position, and we must admit the Trans vaalers are 
also very disheartened. However, if the British once cross 
our frontiers you will find that the burghers will fight to 
the bitter end." 

Consoled by this pretty promise we made up our 
•minds to do our best, but our outposts presently brought 
word that the British were bearing to the right and nearing 
General Grobler's position, and had passed round that of 
General Lemmer. Whilst they attacked General Grobler's 
we attacked their flank, but we could not do much damage, 
as we were without guns. Soon after the enemy directed 
a heavy artillery fire on us, to which we, being on flat 
ground, found ourselves dangerously exposed. 

Towards evening the enemy were in possession of 
General Grobler's position, and were passing over the 
Gatsrand, leaving us behind. I ordered my commando 
to fall back on Klipriversberg, while I rode away with 
some adjutants to attempt to put myself in communication 
with the other commandos. 



■90 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

The night was dark and cloudy, which rendered it some- 
what difficult for us to move about in safety. We occasionally 
fell into ditches and trenches, and had much trouble with 
barbed wire. However, we finally fell in with General 
Lemmer's rearguard, who informed us that the enemy 
after having overcome the feeble resistance of General 
Grobler had proceeded north, and all the burghers were 
retreating in haste before them. 

We rode on past the enemy to find General Grobler 
and what his plans were. We rode quite close to the 
English camp, as we knew that they seldom posted sentries 
far from their tents. On this occasion, however, they had 
placed a guard in an old "klipkraal," for them a prodi- 
gious distance from their camp, and a "Tommy" hailed us 
from the darkness. — 

*Halt!, who goes there?" 

I replied "Friend," whereupon the guileless soldier 
answered: 

"Pass friend, all's well." 

I had my doubts, however. He might be a Boer outpost 
anxious to ascertain if yve were Englishmen. Afraid to ride 
into ambush of my own men, I called out in Dutch: 

"Whose men are you?" 

The Tommy lost his temper at being, kept awake so 
long and retorted testily, "1 can't understand j^our beastly 
Dutch f come here and be recognized." But we did not 
wait for identification, and I rode off shouting back "Thanks, 
my compliments to General French, and tell him that his 
outposts are asleep." 

This was too much for the "Tommy" and his friends, 
who answered with a folley of rifle fire, which was taken 
up by the whole line of British outposts. No harm was 
done, and we soon rode out of range. I gave up 
looking for General Grobler, and on the following morning 
rejoined my men at Klipriversberg, 



DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED 91 

It was by no means easy to find out the exact position 
of affairs. Our scouts reported that the enemy's left wing, 
having broken through General Grobler's position, were 
now marching along Van Wijk's Rust. I could, however, 
obtain no definite information regarding the right wing, nor 
could I discover the General under whose orders I was to 
place myself. General Lemmer, moreover, was suffering 
from an acute disease of the kidneys, which had compelled 
him to hand over his command to Commandant Gravett, 
who had proved himself an excellent officer. 

General Grobler had lost the majority of his men, or 
what was more likely the case, they had lost him. He 
declared that he was unaware of General Botha's or Mr. 
Kruger's plans, and that it was absurd to keep running 
away, but he clearly did not feel equal to any more fighting, 
although he had not the moral courage to openly say so. 
Erom this point this gentleman did no further service to 
his country, and was shortly afterwards dismissed. The 
reader will now gather an idea of the enormous change 
which had come over our troops. Six months before they 
had been cheerful and gay, confident of the ultimate suc- 
cess of their cause; now they were downhearted and in 
the lowest of spirits. I must admit that in this our officers 
were no exception. 

Those were dark days for us. Now began the real 
fighting, and this under the most difficult and distressing 
circumstances, and I think that if our leaders could have 
had a glimpse of the difficulties and hardships that were 
before us, they would not have had the courage to proceed 
any further in the struggle. 

Early next morning (the 29th May, 1900) we reached 
Khpspruit, and found there several other commandos placed 
in extended order all the way up to Doornkop. 

Amongst them was that of General De la Rey, who 
had come from the Western frontier of our Republic, and 



92 ANGLO-BOER AVAR 

that of General Snyman, whom I regard as the real defender 
and reliever of Mafeking, for he was afraid to attack a 
garrison of 1,000 men with twice that number of burghers. 

Before having had time to properly fortify our position 
we were attacked on the right flank by General French's 
cavalry, while the left flank had to resist a strong opposing 
force of cavalry. Both attacks were successfully repulsed, 
as well as a third in the centre of our fighting line. 

The British now marched on Doornkop, their real 
object of attack being our extreme right wing, but they 
made a feint on our left. Our line of defence was very 
extended and weakened by the removal of a body of men 
who had been sent to Natal Spruit to stop the other body 
of the enemy from forcing its way along the railway line 
and cutting off our retreat to Pretoria. 

The battle lasted till sunset, and was especially fierce 
on our right, where the Krugersdorpers stood. Early in 
the evening our right wing had to yield to an overwhelming 
force, and during the night all the commandos had to fall 
back. My commando, which should have consisted of about 
450 men, only numbered 65 during this engagement; our 
losses were two men killed. I was also slightly wounded 
in the thigh by a piece of shell, but I had no time to 
attend such matters, as we had to retire in haste, and the 
wound soon healed. 

The next day our forces were again in full retreat to 
Pretoria, where I understood we were to make a desperate 
stand. About seven o'clock we passed through Fordsburg, 
a suburb of Johannesburg. 

We had been warned not to enter Johannesburg, as 
Dr. Krause, who had taken from me the command of the 
town, had already surrendered it to Lord Roberts, who might 
shell it if he found commandos were there. Our larger 
commissariat had proceeded to Pretoria, but we wanted 
several articles of food, and strangetosay the commissariat 



DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED 93 

official at Johannesburg would not give us anything for 
fear of incurring Lord Roberts' displeasure! 

I was very angry; the enemy were not actually in 
possession of the town, and I therefore should have been 
consulted m the matter; hot these irresponsible officials 
even refused to grant us the necessaries of life ! 

At this time there was a strong movement on foot to 
blow up the principal mines about Johannesburg, and an 
irresponsible young person named Antonie Kock had placed 
himself at the head of a confederacy with this object in 
view. But thanks to the explicit orders of General L. 
Botha, which were faithfully carried out by Dr. Krause, 
Kock's plan was fortunately frustrated, and I fully agree 
with Botha that it would have been most impolitic to have 
allowed this destruction. I often wished afterwards, however, 
that the British military authorities had shown as much 
consideration for our property. 

"We had to have food in any case, and as the official 
hesitated to supply us we helped ourselves from the 
Government Stores, and proceeded to the capital. The 
roads to Pretoria were crowded with men, guns, and 
vehicles of every description, and despondency and despair 
were plainly visible on every face. 



CHAPTER XV. 



OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA. 



THE enemy naturally profited by our confusion to 
pursue us more closely than before. The prospect 
before us was a sad one, and we asked ourselves, "What 
is to be the end of all this, and what is to become of our 
poor people? Shall we be able to prolong the struggle, 
and for how long?" 

But no prolongation of the struggle appeared to have 
entered into our enemy's minds, who evidently thought 
that he War had now come upon its last stage, and they 
were as elated as we were downhearted. They made certain 
that the Boer was completely vanquished, and his resistance 
effectually put an end to. At this juncture Conan Doyle, 
after pointing out what glorious liberty and progress would, 
fall to the Boers' lot under the British flag, wrote : — 

"When that is learned it may happen that they will come to date- 
a happier life and a wider liberty from that 5tli of June which saw the- 
symbol of their nation pass for ever from the ensigns of the world." 

Thus, not only did Lord Roberts announce to the 
world that "the W^ar was practically over," but Conan 
Doyle did not hesitate to say the same in more eloquent 
style. 

How England utterly under-estimated the determination 
of the Boers, subsequent events have plainly proved. It is 
equally plain that we ourselves did not know the strength of 
our resolution, when one takes into account the pessimism and 
despair that weighed us down in those dark days ; and 
as the Union Jack was flying over our Government buildings- 



94, 



OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA 95 

we might have exclaimed : — "England, we do not know 
our strength, but you know it still less!" 

Nearly all the commandos were now in the neigh- 
bourhood of Pretoria, General Botha forming a rear-guard, 
and we determined to defend the capital as well as we- 
could. But at this juncture some Boer officer was said tO' 
have received a communication from the Government, 
informing us that they had decided not to defend the 
town. A cyclist was taking this communication round to 
the different commandos, but the Commandant-General did 
not seem to be aware of it, and we tried in vain to find 
him so as to discover what his plans were. The greatest 
confusion naturally prevailed, and as all the generals gave 
different orders, no one knew what was going to be done. 
I believe General Botha intended to concentrate the troops 
round Pretoria, and there offer some sort of resistance to- 
the triumphant forces of the enemy, and we had all 
understood that the capital would be defended to the last;, 
but this communication altered the position considerably. 
Shortly afterwards all the Boer officers met at Irene Estate, 
near Pretoria, in a council of war, and were there informed, 
that the Government had already forsaken the town, leaving 
a few "feather-bed patriots" to formally surrender the town, 
to the English. 

I thought this decision of easy surrender ridiculous and 
inexphcable, and many officers joined me in loud condem- 
nation of it. I do not remember exactly all that happened 
at the time, but I know a telegram arrived from the 
Commandant-General saying that a crowd had broken open 
the Commissariat Buildings in Pretoria and were looting 
them. An adjutant was sent into Pretoria to spread an 
alarm that the English were entering the town, and this 
had the effect of driving all the looters out of it. Some 
of my own men were engaged in these predatory operations,, 
and 1 did not see them again until three days after. 



96 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Tl>e English approached Pretoria very cautiously, and 
directed some big naval guns on our forts built round the 
town, to which w^e replied for some time with our guns 
from the "randten," south-west of the town ; but our oflScers 
were unable to offer any organised resistance, and thus on 
the 5th of June, 1900, the capital of the South African 
Republic fell with little ado into the enemy's hands. 
Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange Free State, had 
months before suffered the same fate, and thousands of 
Free Staters had surrendered to the English as they marched 
from Bloemfontein to the Transvaal, Happily, however, in 
the Free State President Steyn and General De Wet were 
still wide awake and Lord Roberts very soon discovered 
that his long lines of communication w^ere a source of great 
trouble and anxiety to him. The commandos, meanwhile, 
were reorganised ; the buried Mausers and ammunition were 
once more resurrected, and soon it became clear that the 
Orange Free State was far from conquered. 

The fall of Pretoria, indeed, was but a sham victory 
for the enemy. A number of officials of the Government 
remained behind there and surrendered, together with a 
number of burghers, amongst these faint-hearted brethren 
being even members of the Volksraad and men who had 
played a prominent part in the Republic's history; while 
to the everlasting shame of them and their race, a number 
of other Boers entered at once into the English service 
and henceforth used their rifles to shoot at and maim their 
own fellowcountrymen. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL"). 

OUR first and best positions were now obviously the 
kopjes which stretched from Donlcerhoek past 
Waterval and Wonderboompoort. This chain of mountains 
runs for about 12 miles E. and N.E. of Pretoria^ and our 
positions here would cut off all the roads of any inportance 
to Pietorsburg, Middelburg, as well as the Delagoa Bay 
railway. We therefore posted ourselves along this range, 
General De la Rey forming the right flank, some of our 
other fighting generals occupying the centre, whilst Com- 
mandant-General Botha himself took command of the 
left flank. 

On the 11th of June, 1900, Lord Roberts approached 
with a force of 28,000 to 30,000 men and about 100 guns, 
in order, as the official despatches had it, "to clear the 
Boers from the neighbourhood of Pretoria." Their right 
and left flanks were composed of cavalry, whilst the centre 
was formed of infantry regiments; their big guns were 
placed in good positions and their field pieces were evenly 
distributed amongst the diff'erent army divisions. 

Towards sunset they began booming away at our whole 
13 miles of defence. Our artillery answered tlieir fire from 
all points with excellent results, and when night fell the 
enemy retired a little with considerable losses. 

The battle was renewed next day, the enemy 
attempting to turn our right with a strong flanking mo- 
vement, but was completely repulsed. Meanwhile I at 
Donkerpoort proper had the privilege of being left unmo- 



97 



98 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

lested for several hours. The object of this soon became 
apparent. A Uttle cart drawn by two horses and bearing 
a white flag came down the road from Pretoria. From it 
descended two persons, Messrs. Koos Smit, our Railway- 
Commissioner and Mr. J, F. de Be^er, Chief Inspector of 
Offices, both high officials of the South African Republic. 
I called out to them from a distance, 

"Halt, you cannot pass. What do you want?" 

Smit said, "I want to see Botha and President Kruger. 
Dr Scholtz is also with us. We are sent by Lord Roberts." 

I answered Mr. Smit that traitors were not admitted 
on our premises, and that he would have to stay where 
he was. Turning to some burghers who were standing 
near I gave instructions that the fellows were to be de- 
tained. 

Mr. Smit now began to "sing small," and turning 
deadly pale, asked in a tremulous voice if there were any 
chance of seeing Botha. 

"Your request," I replied, "will be forwarded." Which 
was done. 

An hour passed before General Botha sent word that 
he was coming. Meanwhile the battle continued raging 
fiercely, and a good many lyddite bombs were straying 
our way. The "white-flaggists" appeared to be very anxious 
to know if the General would be long in coming, and if 
their flag could not be hoisted in a more conspicuous place. 
The burghers guarding them pointed out, however, that 
the bombs came from their own British friends. 

After a while General Botha rode up. He offered a 
far from cordial welcome to the deputation. 

Dr. Scholtz produced a piece of paper and said Lord 
Roberts had sent him to enquire why Botha insisted on 
more unnecessary bloodshed, and why he did not come 
in to make peace, and that sort of thing. 

Botha asked if Scholtz held an authoritative letter or 



BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK 99 

document from the English general, to which the Doctor 
replied in the negative. 

Smit now suggested that he should be allowed to see 
Mr. Kruger, but Botha declared, with considerable emphasis, 
"Look here, your conduct is nothing less than execrable, 
and I shall not allow you to see Mr. Kruger. You are a 
couple of contemptible scoundrels, and as for Dr. Scholtz, 
his certificate looks rather dubious. You will go back and 
give the following message to Lord Roberts: — 

"That this is not the first time messages of this description are 
sent to me in an unofficial manner ; that these overtures have also some- 
times been made in an insulting form, but always equally unofficially. 
I have to express my surprise at such tactics on the part of a man in 
Lord Eoberts' position. His Lordship may think that our country is 
lost to us, but I shall do my duty towards it all the same. They can 
shoot me for it or imprison me, or banish me, but my principles and my 
character they cannot assail." 

One could plainly see that the consciencestricken 
messengers winced under the reproach. Not another word 
was said, and the noble trio turned on their heels and 
took their white flag back to Pretoria. 

Whether Botha was right in allowing these "hands- 
uppers'* to return, is a question I do not care to discuss, 
but many burghers had their own opinion about it. Still, 
if they had been detained" by us and shot for high treason, 
what would not have been said by those who did not 
hesitate to send our own unfaithful burghers to us to 
induce us to surrender. 

I cannot say whether Lord Roberts was personally 
responsible for the sending of these messengers, but that 
such action was extremely improper no one can deny. 
It was a specially stupendous piece of impudence on the 
part of these men, J. S. Smit and J. F. de Beer, burghers 
both, and highly placed officials of the S. A. Republic. 
They had thrown down their arms and sworn allegiance 
to an enemy, thereby committing high treason in the 

LOFC 



100 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

fullest sense of the word. They now came through the 
fighting lines of their former comrades to ascertain from 
the commanders of the republican army why the whole 
nation did not follow their example, why they would not 
surrender their liberty and very existence as a people and 
commit the most despicable act known to mankind. 

"Pretoria was in British hands!" As if, forsooth, the 
existence of our nationality began and ended in Pretoria! 
Pretoria was after all only a village where such "patriots" (?) 
had for years been fattening on State funds, and, having 
filled their pockets, had helped to damage the reputation 
of a young and virile nation. 

^ Not only had they enjoyed the spoils of high office 
in the State Service offices, to which a fabulous remune- 
ration was attached^ but they belonged to the Boer aristocracy, 
members of honourable families whose high birth and 
■qualities had secured for them preference over thousands 
of other men and the unlimited confidence of the Head 
of State. Little wonder these gentlemen regarded the fall 
of Pretoria as the end of the war. 

The battle continued the whole day; it was fiercest on 
our left flank, where General French and his cavalry charged 
the positions of the Ermelo and Bethel burghers again and 
again, each time to be repulsed with heavy losses. Once 
the lancers attacked so valiantly that a hand-to-hand fight 
ensued. The commandant of the Bethel burghers afterwards 
told me that during the charge his kaffir servant got among 
the lancers and called upon them to "Hand up!" The 
unsophisticated native had heard so much about "hands up," 
and "hands-uppers," that he thought the entire English 
language consisted of those two simple words, and when 
one lancer shouted to him "Hands up," he echoed "Hands up." 
The British cavalryman thrust his lance through the nigger's 
arm, still shouting "Hands up," the black man retreating, 
also vociferously shrieking "Hands up, boss; hands up!" 



BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK 101 

When his master asked him why he had shouted "Hands 
up" so persistently though he was running away, he answered: 
"Ah, boss, me hear every day people say, 'Hands up ;' now 
me think this means kaffir 'Soebat' (to beg). I thought it 
mean, 'Leave off, please,' but the more I shouted 'Hands up' 
English boss prod me with his assegai all the same." 

On our right General De la Rey had an equally awkward 
position; the British here also made several determined 
attempts to turn his flank, but were repulsed each time. 
Once during an attack on our right, their convoy came 
so close to our position that our artillery and our Mausers 
were enabled to pour such a fire into them that the mules 
drawing the carts careered about the veldt at random, and 
the greatest confusion ensued. British mules were "pro-Boer" 
throughout the War. The ground, however, was not favou- 
rable for our operations, and we failed to avail ourselves 
of the general chaos. Towards the evening of the second 
day General Tobias Smuts made an unpardonable blunder 
in falling back with his commandos. There was no necessity 
for the retreat ; but it served to show the British that there 
was a weak point in our armoury. Indeed, the following 
day the attack in force was made upon this point. The 
British had meantime continued pouring in reinforcements, 
men as well as guns. 

About two o'clock in the afternoon Smuts applied urgently 
for reinforcements, and I was ordered by the Commandant- 
General to go to his position. A ride of a mile and a half 
brought us near Smuts; our horses were put behind a 
"randje," the enemy's bullets and shells meantime flying 
over their heads without doing much harm. We then hurried 
up on foot to the fighting line, but before we could reach 
the position. General Smuts and his burghers had left it. 
At first I was rather in the dark as to what it all meant 
until we discovered that the British had won Smuts' position, 
and from it were firing upon us. We fell down flat behind 



102 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

the nearest "klips" and returned the fire, but were at a 
disadvantage, since the British were above us. I never 
heard where General Smuts and his burghers finally got 
to. On our left we had Commandant Kemp with the 
Krugersdorpers ; on the right Field-Cornet Koen Brits. The 
British tried alternately to get through between one of my 
neighbours and myself, but we succeeded, notwithstanding 
their fierce onslaught, in turning them back each time. 
All M'e could do, was to hold our own till dark. Then 
orders were given to "inspan" as the commandos would 
all have to retire. 

I do not know the extent of the British losses in that 
engagement. My friend Conan Doyle wisely says nothing 
about them, but we knew they had suffered very severely 
indeed. Our losses were not heavy; but we had to regret 
the death of brave Field-Cornet Roelf Jansen and some 
other plucky burghers. Dr. Doyle, referring to the engagement, 
says: 

"The two days' prolonged struggle (Diamond Hill) showed 
that there was still plenty of fight in the burghers. Lord 
Roberts had not routed them," etc. 

Thus ended the battle of Donkerhoek, and next day 
our commandos were falling back to the north. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

I BECOME A GENERAL. 

IN our retreat northwards the Enghsh did not pursue 
us. They contented themselves by fortifying the 
position we had evacuated between Donkerhoek and 
Wonderboompoort. Meantime our commandos proceeded 
along the Delagoa Bay Railway until we reached Balmoral 
Station, while other little divisions of ours were at Rhe- 
nosterkop, north of Bronkhorst Spruit. 

I may state that this general retreat knocked the 
spirit out of some of our weaker brethren. Hundreds of 
Boers rode into Pretoria with the white flag suspended 
from their Mauser barrels. In Pretoria there were many 
prominent burghers who had readily accepted the new 
conditions, and these were employed by the British to 
induce other Boers within reach, by manner of all sorts 
of specious promises, to lay down their arms. Many more 
western district Boers quietly returned to their homes. 
Luckily, the Boer loves his Mauser too well to part with 
it, except on compulsion, and although the majority of 
these western Boers handed in their weapons, some re- 
tained them. 

They retained their weapons by burying them, pacifying 
the confiding British officer in charge of the district by 
handing in rusty and obsolete Martini-Henris or a venerable 
blunderbuss which nobody had used since ancestral Boer 
shot lions with it in the mediaeval days of the first great 
trek. The buried Mausers came in very useful afterwards. 

About this time General Buller entered the Republic 



101 



104 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

from the Natal side, and marclied with his force through 
the southern districts of Wakkerstroom, Standerton, and 
Ermelo. Hundreds of burghers remained on their farms 
and handed their weapons to the British. In some districts, 
for instance, at Standerton, the commandant and two out 
of his three field-cornets surrendered. Thus, not only were 
some commandos without officers, but others entirely 
disappeared from our army. Still, at the psychological 
moment a Joshua would appear, and save the situation, 
as, for ir stance, in the Standerton district where Assistant- 
Field-Cornet Brits led a forlorn hope and saved a whole 
commando from extinction. The greatest mischief was 
done by many of our landdrosts, "who, after having surren- 
dered, sent out communications to officers and burghers 
exhorting them to come in. 

The majority of our Boer officers, however, remained 
faithful to their vow, though since the country was partly 
occupied by the British it was difficult to get in touch 
with the Commandant-General or the Government, and the 
general demoralisation prevented many officers from as- 
serting their authority. 

Generals Sarel Oosthuizen and H. L. Lemmer, both 
now deceased, were sent to the north of Pretoria, to collect 
the burghers from the western districts, and to generally 
rehabilitate their commandos. They were followed by 
Assistant-Commandant General J. H. De la Rey and State 
Attorney Smuts (our legal adviser). It was at this point, 
indeed, that the supreme command of the western districts 
was assumed by General De la Rey, who, on his way to 
the north, attacked and defeated an English garrison at 
Selatsnek. 

The "reorganisation" of our depleted commandos 
proceeded very well; about 95 per cent, of the fighting 
Boers rejoined, and speedily the commandos in the western 
districts had grown to about 7,000 men. 



1 BECOME A GENERAL 105 

But just a few weeks after his arrival in the West 
Krugersdorp district, poor, plucky Sarel Oosthuizen was 
severely wounded in the battle of Dwarsvlei, and died of 
his wounds some time after. 

General H. Lemmer, a promising soldier, whom we 
could ill spare, was killed soon after while storming Lich- 
tenburg under General De la Rey, an engagement in which 
we did not succeed. We had much trouble in replacing 
these two brave generals, whose names will live for all 
time in the history of the Boer Republics. 

It is hardly necessary to dwell on the splendid work 
done by Assistant-Commandant-General De la Rey in the 
western districts. Commandant-General Botha was also hard 
worked at this stage, and was severely taxed reorganising 
his commandos and filling up the lamentable vacancies 
caused by the deaths of Lemmer and Oosthuizen. 

I have already pointed out that General De la Rey 
had taken with him the remainder of the burghers from 
the western districts. The following commandos were now 
left to us: — Krugersdorp and Germiston, respectively, 
under the then Commandants J. Kemp and C. Gravett, 
and the Johannesburg police, with some smaller com- 
mandos under the four fighting generals, Douthwaith, ' 
Snyman (of Maf eking fame), Liebenberg, and Du Toit. 
The last four generals were "sent home" and their burghers 
with those of Krugersdorp, Germiston, Johannesburg, 
Boksburg and the Mounted Police, were placed under my 
command, while I myself was promoted to the rank of 
General. I had now under me 1,200 men, all told — a 
very fair force. 

I can hardly describe my feelings on hearing of my 
promotion to such a responsible position. For the first 
time during the War I felt a sort of trepidation. I had 
all sorts of misgivings ; how should I be able to properly 
guard the interests of such a great commando? Had I 



106 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

a right to do so? Would the burghers be satisfied? It 
was all very well to say that they would have to be 
•satisfied, but if they had shown signs of dissatisfaction I 
should iiave felt bound to resign. I am not in the habit 
of blinking at facts; they are stern things. What was to 
become of me if I had to tender my resignation? I was 
eager and rash, like most young officers, for although the 
])rospects of our cause were not brilliant and our army 
had suffered some serious reverses, I still had implicit faith 
in the future, and above all, in the justice of the cause 
lor which we were fighting. And I knew, moreover, that 
the burghers we now had left with us were determined 
and firm. 

Tiiere was only one way open to me : to take the bull 
by the horns, I thought it my duty to go the round of 
«,11 the commandos, call the burghers together, tell them 
I had been appointed, ask them their opinion on the appoint- 
ment, and give them some particulars of the new organisation. 

I went to the Krugersdorp Commando first. All went 
well, and the burghers comprising the force received me 
very cordially. There was a lot of questioning and expla- 
nations; one of the commandants was so moved by my 
address that he requested those wlio were present to conclude 
the meeting by singing Psalm 134, verse 3, after which 
he exhorted his fellow burghers in an impassioned speech 
to be obedient and determined. 

The worst of it was that he asked me to wind up by 
offering a prayer. I felt as if I would gladly have welcomed 
the earth opening beneath me. I had never been in such 
a predicament before. To refuse; to have pleaded exone- 
ration from this solemn duty, would have been fatal, for 
-a Boer general is expected, amongst other things, to con- 
duct all proceedings of a religious character. And not only 
Boer generals are required to do this thing, but all subor- 
dinate officers, and an officer who cannot offer a suitable 



I BECOME A GENERAL. 107 

prayer generally receives a hint that he is not worthy of 
liis position. In these matters the burghers are backed up 
by the parsons. 

There was, therefore, no help for it; I felt like a stranger 
in Jerusalem, and resolved to mumble a bit of a prayer 
as well as I could. I need not say it was short, but I doubt 
very much whether it was appropriate, for all sorts of 
thoughts passed through my head, and I felt as if all the 
bees in this world were buzzing about my ears. Of course 
I had to shut my eyes ; I knew that. But I had, mereover, 
to screw them up, for I knew that everybody was watching 
me. I closed my eyes very tightly, and presently there 
-came a welcome "Amen." 

My old commando was now obliged to find a new 
commandant and I had to take leave of them in that capacity. 
I was pleased to find the officers and men were sorry to 
Jose me as their commandant, but they said they were 
proud of the distinction that had been conferred upon me. 
Commandant F. Pienaar, who took my place, had soon to 
resign on account of some rather serious irregularities. My 
younger brother, W. J. Viljoen, who, at the time of writing 
is, I believe, still in this position, replaced him. 

At the end of June my commandos marched from 
Balmoral to near Donkerhoek in order to get in touch 
with the British. Only a few outpost skirmishes took place. 

My burghers captured half a score of Australians near 
Van der Merwe Station, and three days afterwards three 
•Johannesburgers were surprised near Pienaarspoort. As far 
as our information went the Donkerhoek Kopjes were in 
possession of General Pole-Carew, and on our left General 
Hutton with a strong mounted force, was operating near 
^wavelpoort and Tigerspoort. We had some sharp fighting 
with this force for a couple of days, and had to call in 
Teinforcements from the Middelburg and Boksburg commandos. 

The fighting line by this time had widely extended 



lOS ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and was at least sixty miles in length ; on my right I had 
General D. Erasmus with the Pretoria commando, and 
farther still to the right, nearer the Pietersburg railway, 
the Waterberg and Zoutpansberg commandos were positioned. 
General Pole-Carew tried to rush us several times with his 
cavalry, but had to retire each time. Commandant-General Bo- 
tha finally directed us to attack General Hutton's position, and 
I realised what this involved. It would be the first fight I had to 
direct as a fighting general. Much would depend on the issue, 
and I fully understood that my influence with, and my prestige 
among the burghers in the future was absolutely at stake. 

General Hutton's main force was encamped in a "donk" 
at the very top of the randt, almost equidistant from Tigers- 
poort, Zwavelpoort and Bapsfontein, Encircling his laager 
was another chain of "randten" entirely occupied and for- 
tified, and we soon realised what a large and entrenched 
stretch of ground it was. The Commandant-General, accom- 
panied by the French, Dutch, American and Russian atta- 
ches, would follow the attack from a high point and keep 
in touch with me by meaiis of a heliograph, thus enabling 
Botha to keep well posted about the course of the battle, 
and to send instructions if required. 

During the night of the 13th of July we marched in 
the following order: On the right were the Johannesburg 
and Germiston commandos; in the centre the Krugersdorp 
and the Johannesburg Police ; and on the left the Boksburg 
and Middelburg commandos. At daybreak I ordered a general 
storming of the enemy's entrenchments. I placed a Krupp 
gun and a Creusot on the left flank, another Krupp and 
some pom-poms to the right, while I had an English 
15-pounder (an Armstrong) mounted in the centre. Several 
positions were taken by storm with little or no fighting. 
It was my right flank which met with the only stubborn 
resistance from a strongly fortified point occupied by a 
company of Australians. 



I BECOME A GENERAL 109 

Soon after this position was in our possession, and we 
had taken 32 prisoners, with a captain and a heutenant. 
When Commandant Gravett had taken the first trenches 
we were stubbornly opposed in a position defended by the 
Irish Fusihers, who were fighting with great determination. 
Our burghers charged right into the trenches ; and a hand- 
to-hand combat ensued. The butt-ends of the guns were 
freely used, and lumps of rock were thrown about. We 
made a few prisoners and took a pom-pom, which, to my 
deep regret, on reinforcements with guns coming up to the 
enemy, we had to abandon, with a loss of five men. Meanwhile, 
the Krugersdorpers and Johannesburg Police had succeeded 
in occupying other positions and making several prisoners, 
while half a dozen dead and wounded were left on the field. 
The ground was so exposed that my left wing could 
not storm the enemy's main force, especially as his outposts 
had noticed our march before sunrise and had brought up 
a battery of guns, and in this flat field a charge would 
have cost too many lives. 

We landed several shells into the enemy's laager, and 
if we had been able to get nearer he would certainly have 
been compelled to run. 

W^hen darkness supervened we retired to our base with 
a loss of two killed and seven wounded ; whereas 45 prisoners 
and 20 horses with saddles and accoutrements were evidence 
that we had inflicted a severe loss upon the enemy. So 
far as I know, the Commandant-General was satisfied with 
my work. On the day after the fight I met an attache. He 
spoke in French, of which language I know nothing. My 
GaUic friend then tried to get on in English, and congra- 
tulated me in the following terms with the result of the 
fight: "I congratuly very much you, le General; we think 
you good man of war." It was the first time I had bulked 
in anyone's opinion as largely as a battleship; but I sup- 
pose his intentions were good enough. 



no ANGLO-BOER WAR 

A few days afterwards Lord Roberts sent a hundred 
women and children down the hne to Van der Merwe 
Station, despite Botha's vehement protests. It fell to my 
lot to receive these unfortunates, and to send them on by 
rail to Barberton, where they could find a home. I shall 
not go into a question which is still sub judice] nor is it 
my present purpose to discuss the fairness and unfairness 
of the war methods employed against us. I leave that to 
abler men. I shall only add that these waifs were in a 
pitiful position, as they had been driven from their homes 
and stripped of pretty nearly everything they possessed. 

Towards the end of July Carrington marched his force 
to Rustenburg, and thence past Wonderboompoort, while 
another force proceeded from Olifantsfontein in the direc- 
tion of Witbank Station. We were, therefore, threatened 
on both sides and obliged to fall back on Machadodorp. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

OUR CAMP BURNED OUT. 

THE beginning of August saw my commandos falling 
back on Machadodorp. Those of Erasmus and Grobler 
remained where they were for the time being, until the 
latter was discharged for some reason or other and replaced 
by Attorney Beyers. General Erasmus suffered rather worse, 
for he was deprived of his rank as a general and reduced 
to the level of a commandant on account of want of activity. 
Our retreat to Machadodorp was very much like previous 
experiences of the kind; we were continually expecting to 
be cut off from the railway by flanking movements and 
this we had to prevent because we had placed one of our 
big guns on the rails in an armour-clad railway carriage.. 
The enemy took care to keep out of rifle range, and the 
big gun was an element of strength we could ill afford to 
lose. Besides, our Government were now moving about on 
the railway line near Machadodorp, and we had to check 
the enemy at all hazards from stealing a march on us. Both at 
Witbank Station and near Middelburg and Pan Stations we 
had skirmishes, but not inportant enough to describe in detail. 
After several unsuccessful attempts, the Boer Artillery 
at last managed to fire the big gun without a platform. 
It was tedious work, however, as ''Long Tom" was excee- 
dingly heavy, and it usually took twenty men to serve it. 
The mouth was raised from the "kastion" by means of a 
pulley, and the former taken away ; then and not till then 
could the gunner properly get the range. The carriage 
vacuum sucking apparatus had to be well fixed in hard 
ground to prevent recoil. 



Ill 



112 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

The enemy repeatedly sent a mounted squad to try and 
take this gun, and then there was hard fighting. 

One day while we were manoeuvring Avith the "Long 
Tom," the veldt burst into flames, and the wind swept 
them along in our direction like lightning. Near the gun 
were some loads of shells and gunpowder, and we had 
to set all hands at work to save them. While we were 
doing this the enemy fired two pompoms at us from about 
3,000 yards, vastly to our inconvenience. 

As my commando formed a sort of centre for the 
remainder, Commandant-General Botha was, as a rule, in 
our immediate neighbourhood, which made my task much 
easier, our generalissimo taking the command in person 
on several occasions, if required, and assisting in every 
possible way. 

The enemy pursued us right up to Wonderfontein 
Station (the first station south-west of Belfast), about 15 
miles from Dalmanutha or Bergendal, and waited there for 
Bullers's army to arrive from the Natal frontier. 

We occupied the "randten" between Belfast and Macha- 
dodorp, and waited events. While we were resting there 
Lord Roberts sent us 250 families from Pretoria and Johan- 
nesburg in open trucks, notwithstanding the bitterly cold 
weather and the continual gusts of wind and snow. One 
can picture to . oneself the deplorable condition we found 
these women and children in. 

But, with all this misery, we still fourd them full of 
enthusiasm, especially when the trucks in which they had 
to be sent on down the line were covered with Transvaal 
and Free State iags. They sang our National Anthem as if 
they had not a care in the world. 

Many burghers found their families amongst these exiles, 
and some heartrending scenes were witnessed. Luckily the 
railway to Barberton was still in our possession, and at 
Belfast the families were taken over from the British autho- 



OUR CAMP BURNT OUT 113 

rities, to be sent to Barberton direct. While this was being 
done near Belfast under my direction, the unpleasant news 
came that our camp was entirely destroyed by a grass fire. 

The Commandant-General and myself had* set up our 
camp near Dalmanutha Station. It consisted of twelve tents 
and six carts. This was Botha's headquarters, as well as of 
his staff and mine. When we came to the spot that night 
we found everything burned save the iron tyres of the 
waggon wheels, so that the clothes we had on were all we 
had left us. All my notes had perished, as well as other 
documents of value. I was thus deprived of the few indis- 
pensable things which had remained to me, for at Elands- 
laagte my "kit" had also fallen into the hands of the British. 
The grass had been set on fire by a kafiir to the windward 
of the camp. The wind had turned everything into a sea 
of fire in less than no time, and the attempts at stamping 
out the flames had been of no avail. One man gave us a 
cart, another a tent ; and the harbour at Delagoa Bay being 
still open (although the Portuguese had become far from 
friendly towards us after the recent British victories) we 
managed to get the more urgent things we wanted. Within 
a few days we had established a sort of small camp near 
to headquarters. 

We had plenty to do at this tirne — building fortresses 
and digging trenches for the guns. This of course ought 
to have been done when we were still at Donkerhoek by 
officers the Commandant-General had sent to Machadodorp 
for the purpose. We had made forts for our "Long Toms," 
which were so well hidden from view behind a rand that 
the enemy had not discovered them, although a tunnel 
would have been neccessary in order to enable us to use 
them in shelling the enemy. We were therefore obliged to set 
to work again, and the old trenches were abandoned. The 
holes may surprise our posterity, by the way, as a display 
of the splendid architectural abilities of their ancestors. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

BATTLE OF BERGEN DAL (mACHADODORP). 

LET US pass on to the 21st of August, 1900. Buller's 
army had by this time effected a junction with 
that of Lord Roberts' between Wonderfontein and Komati 
River. The commandos under Generals Piet Viljoen and 
Joachim Fourie had now joined us, and taken up a 
position on our left, from Rooikraal to Komati Bridge. 
The enemy's numbers were estimated at 60,000, with 
about 130 guns, including twelve 4.7 naval guns, in addition 
to the necessary Maxims. 

We had about 4,000 men at the most with six Maxims 
and, about thirteen guns of various sizes. Our extreme left 
was first attacked by the enemy while they took possession 
of Belfast and Monument Hill, a little eastward, thereby 
threatening the whole of our fighting lines. My commandos 
were stationed to the right and left of the railway and 
partly round Monument Hill. Fighting had been going 
on at intervals all day long, between my burghers and 
the enemy's outposts. The fighting on our left wing lasted 
till late in the afternoon, when tlie enemy was repulsed 
with heavy losses; while a company of infantry which had 
pushed on too far during the fighting, through some misun- 
derstanding or something of that sort, were cut off and 
captured by the Bethel burghers. 

The attack was renewed the next morning, several 
positions being assailed in turn, while an uninterrupted 
gunfire was kept up. General Buller was commanding the 
enemy's right flank and General French was in charge ol 



114 



BATTLE OF BERGENDAL 115 

the left. We were able to resist all attacks and the battle 
went on for six days without a decisive result. The enemy 
had tried to break through nearly every weak point in 
our fighting line and found out that the key to all our 
positions existed in a prominent "randje" to the right of 
the railway. This point was being defended by our brave 
Johannesburg police, while on the right were the Krugers- 
dorpers and Johannesburgers and to the burghers from 
Germiston. Thus we had another "Spion Kop" fight for 
six long days. The Boers held their ground with deter- 
mination, and many charges were repulsed by the burghers 
with great bravery. But the English were not to be 
discouraged by the loss of many valiant soldiers and any 
failure to dislodge the Boers from the "klip-kopjes." They 
were admirably resolute; but then they were backed up 
by a superior force of soldiers and artillery. 

On the morning of the 27th of August the enemy 
were obviously bent on concentrating their main force on 
this "randje." There were naval guns shelling it from 
different directions, while batteries of field-pieces pounded 
away incessantly. The "randje" was enveloped by a cloud of 
smoke and dust. The British Infantry charged under cover of 
the guns, but the Police and burghers made a brave resistance. 
The booming of cannon went on without intermission, and 
the storming was repeated by regiment upon regiment. 
Our gallant Lieutenant Pohlman was killed in this action, 
and Commandant Philip Oosthuizen was wounded 
while fighting manfully against overwhelming odds at 
the head of his burghers. An hour before sunset the 
position fell into the hands of the enemy. Our loss 
was heavy — two officers, 18 men killed or wounded, and 
20 missing. 

Thus ended one of the fiercest fights of the war. 
With the exception of the battle of Vaalkrantz (on the 
Tugela) our commandos had been exposed to the heaviest 



116 ANGLO-BOli:R WAR. 

and most persistent bombardment they had yet experienced. 
It was by directing an uninterrupted rifle" from all sides 
on the lost "randje" that we kept the enemy employed 
and prevented them from pushing on any farther that 
evening. 

At last came the final order for all to retire via 
Machadodorp. 



CHAPTER XX. 

TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED. 

AFTER the battle of Bergendal there was another retreat. 
Our Government, which had fled from Machadodorp 
to Waterval Station, had now reached Nelspruit, three 
stations further down the Hne, still "attended," shall I say, 
by a group of Boer officials and members of the Volksraad, 
who preferred the shelter of Mr. Kruger's fugitive skirts 
to any active fighting. There were also hovering about this 
party half a dozen Hebraic persons of extremely question- 
able character, one of whom had secured a contract for 
smuggling in clothes from Delagoa Bay, and another one 
to supply coffee and sugar to the commandos. As a rule, 
some official or other made a nice little commission out of 
these transactions, and many burghers and officers expressed 
their displeasure and disgust at these matters; but so it 
was, and so it remained. That same night we marched 
from Machadodorp to Helvetia, where we halted while a 
commando was appointed to guard the railway at Waterval 
Boven. 

The next morning a big cloud of dust arose. "De Engelse 
kom'" (the English are coming) was the cry. And come they 
did, in overwhelming numbers. We fired our cannon at 
their advance guard, which had already passed Machadodorp: 
but the British main force stayed there for the day, and 
a little outpost skirmishing of no consequence occurred. 

A portion of the British forces appeared to go from 
Belfast via Dullstroom to Lydenburg, these operations being 
only feebly resisted. Our commandos were now parcelled 



117 



1J8 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

out by the Commandant-General, who followed a path over 
the Crocodile River bridge with his own section, which was 
pursued by a strong force of Buller's. 

I was ordered to go down the mountain in charge of 
a number of Helvetia burghers to try and reach the railway, 
which I was to defend at all hazards. General Smuts, with 
the remnant of our men went further south towards the 
road leading to Barberton. Early the next morning we were 
attacked and again obliged to fall back. That night we 
stayed at Nooitgedacht. 

The Boer position at and near Nooitgedacht was unique. 
Here was a great camp in which 2,000 English prisoners- 
of-war were confined, but in the confusion the majority of 
their Boer guards had fled to Nelspruit. I found only 15 
burghers armed with Martini-Henry rifles left to look after 
2,000 prisoners. Save for "Tommy" being such a helpless 
individual when he has nobody to give him orders and to think 
for him, these 2,000 men might have become a great source 
of danger to us had they had the sense to disarm their 
fifteen custodians (and what was there to prevent them 
doing so?) and to destroy the railway, they would have 
been able not only to have deprived my commando of 
provisions and ammunition, but also to have captured a 
"Long Tom." There was, moreover, a large quantity of 
victuals, rifles, and ammunition lying about the station, of 
which nobody appeared to take any notice. Of the crowd 
of officials who stuck so very faithfully to the fugitive 
Government there was not one who took the trouble to 
look after these stores and munitions. 

On arrival I telegraphed to the Government to enquire 
what was to be done with the British prisoners-of-war. The 
answer was: „You had better let them be where they are 
until the enemy force you to evacuate, when you will leave 
them plenty of food." 

This meant that there would be more D. S. O's or 



BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED 119 

V.C's handed out, for the first "Tommies" to arrive at 
the prisoners' camp would be hailed as deliverers, and half 
of them would be certain of distinctions. 

I was also extremely dissatisfied with the way the 
prisoners had been lodged, and so would any officer in 
our fighting line have been had he seen their condition 
and accommodation. But those who have never been in a 
fight and who had only performed the "heroic" duty of 
guarding prisoners-of-war, did not know what humanity 
meant to an enemy who had fallen into their hands. 

So what was I to do? 

To disobey the Government's orders was impossible. 
I accordingly resolved to notify the prisoners that, "for 
military reasons," it would be impossible to keep them in 
confinement any longer. 

The next morning I mustered them outside the camp, 
and they were told that they had ceased to be prisoners- 
of-war, at which they seemed to be very much amazed. 
I was obliged to go and speak formally to some of them ; 
they could scarcely credit that they were free men and 
could go back to their own people. It was really pleasant 
to hear them cheer, and to see how pleased they were. 
A great crowd of them positively mobbed me to shake 
hands with them, crying, "Thank you, sir; God bless you, 
sir." One of their senior officers was ordered to take charge 
of them, while a white-flag message was sent to General 
Pole-Carew to send for these fine fellows restored to free- 
dom, and to despatch an ambulance for the sick and wounded. 
My messenger, however, did not succeed in delivering the 
letter, as the scouts of the British advance-guard were 
exceedingly drunk, and shot at him ; so thai the prisoners- 
of-war had to go out and introduce themselves. I believe 
they were compelled to overpower their own scouts. 

Ten days afterwards an English doctor and a lieutenant 
of the 17th Lancers came to us, bringing a mule laden 



120 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

with medical appliances and food. The English medico, 
Dr. Ailward, succeeded, moreover, in getting through our 
lines without my express permission. 

Next morning I accompanied an ambulance train to 
transport the wounded British to the charge of the British 
agent at Delagoa Bay. Outside Nooitgedacht I found four 
military doctors with a field ambulance. 

*Does this officer belong to the Red Cross?" I asked. 

"No," was the answer, "he is only with us quite 
unofficially as a sj^mpathetic friend." 

"I regret," said I, *that I cannot allow this thing; 
you have come through our lines without my permission ; 
this officer no doubt is a spy.'* 

I wired at once for instructions, which, when received 
read: "That as a protest against the action of the English 
officers who stopped three of our ambulances, and since 
this officer has passed through our lines without permission, 
you are to stop the ambulance and dispatch the doctors 
and their staff, as well as the wounded to Lourenco 
Marques." 

The doctors were very angry and protested vehemently 
against the order, which, however, was irrevocable. And 
thus the whole party, including the Lancers' doctor, were 
sent to Lourenco Marques that very day. The nearest 
English General was informed of the whole incident, and 
he sent a very unpleasant message the next day, of which 
I remember the following phrases : — 

"The action which you have taken in this matter is 
contrary to the rules of civilised warfare, and will alter 
entirely the conditions upon which the War was carried 
on up to the present," etc. 

After I had sent my first note we found, on inspection, 
some Lee-Metford cartridges and an unexploded bomb in 
the ambulance vans. This fact alone would have justified 
the retention of the ambulance. 



BKITISH PRISONERS RELEASED 121 

This was intimated again in our reply to General 
Pole-Carew, and I wrote, ^nie?• a ^ia; "i2e the threat contained 

in your letter of the I may say I am sorry to find 

such a remark coming from joxiv side, and I can assure 
you that whatever may happen my Government, comman- 
dants, and burghers are firmly resolved to continue the 
War on our side in the same civilised and humane manner 
as it has hitherto been conducted." 

This was the end of our correspondence in regard to 
this subject, and nothing further happened, save that the 
English very shortly afterwards recovered five out of the 
eight ambulances we had retained. 



CHAPTER XXL 



A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT. 



ABOUT this time President Steyn arrived from the 
Orange Free State and had joined President Kruger, 
and the plan of campaign for the future was schemed. 
It was also decided that Mr. Schalk Burger should assume 
the acting Presidentship, since Mr. Kruger's advanced age 
and feeble health did not permit his risking the hardships 
attendant on a warlike life on the veldt. 

It was decided Mr. Kruger should go to Europe and 
Messrs. Steyn and Burger should move about with their 
respective commandos. They were younger men and the 
railway, would soon have to be abandoned. 

We spent the first weeks of September at Godwan 
River and Nooitgedacht Station, near the Delagoa Bay 
railway, and had a fairly quiet time of it. General Buller 
had meanwhile pushed on with forces via Lydenburg in 
the direction of Spitskop and the Sabi, on which General 
Botha had been compelled to concentrate himself after 
falling back, fighting steadily, while General French 
threatened Barberton. 

I had expected Pole-Carew to force me off the railway 
line along which we held some rather strong positions, 
and I intended to ofi'er a stout resistance. But the English 
general left me severely alone, went over Dwaalheuvel 
by an abandoned wagon-track, and crossed the plateau of 
the mountains, probably to try and cut us off through the 
pass near Duivelskantoor. I tried hard, with the aid of 
150 burghers, to thwart his plans and we had some fighting. 



422 



A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 123 

But the locality was against us, and the enemy with their 
great force of infantry and with the help of their guns 
forced us to retire. 

About the i ith of September I was ordered to fall back 
along the railway, via Duivelskantoor and Nelspruit Station, 
since General Buller was threatening Nelspruit in the 
direction of Spitskop, while General French with a great 
force was nearing Barberton. It appeared extremely likely 
that we should be surrounded very soon. We marched 
through the God wan River and over the colossal mountain 
near Duivelskantoor, destroying the railway bridges behind 
us. The road we followed was swamped by the heavy 
rains and nearly impassable. Carts were continually being 
upset, breakdowns were frequent, and our guns often stuck 
in the swampy ground. To make matters worse, a burgher 
on horseback arrived about midnight to tell us that Bullers's 
column had taken Nelspruit Station, and cut off our means 
of retreat. Yet we had to pass Nelspruit; there was no 
help for it. I gave instructions for the waggons and carts 
(numbering over a hundred), to push on as quickly as 
possible, and sent out a strong mounted advance guard 
to escort them. 

I myself went out scouting with some burghers, for I 
wanted to find out before daybreak whether Nelspruit was 
really in the hands of the enemy or not. In that case our 
carts and guns would have te be destroyed or hidden, while 
the commando would have to escape along the footpaths. 
We crept up to the station, and just at dawn, when we 
were only a hundred paces away from it, a great fire burst 
out, accompanied by occasional loud reports. This somewhat 
reassured me. I soon found our own people to be in pos- 
session burning things, and the detonations were obviously 
not caused by the bursting of shells fired from field-pieces. 
On sending two of my adjutants — Rokzak and Koos Nel — to 
the station to obtain further details, they soon came back 



124 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

to report that there was nobody there except a nervous 
old Dutchman. The Burglier, who had told me Nelspruit 
was in the hands of the enemy, must have dreamt it. 

The conflagration I found was caused by a quantity of 
'"kastions" and ammunition- waggons which had been set 
afire on the previous day, while the explosions emanated 
from the shells which had been left among their contents. 

The enemy's advance guard had pushed on to Shamo- 
ham and Sapthorpe, about 12 miles from the railway, 
enabling the whole of my commando to pass. We arrived 
at Nelspruit by eight o'clock. That day we rested and 
discussed future operations, feeling that our prospects 
seemed to grow worse every day. 

The station presented a sad spectacle. Many trucks 
loaded with victuals, engines, and burst gun-carriages — 
everything had been left behind at the mercy of the 
first-comer, while a large number of kaffirs were plundering 
and stealing. Only the day before the Government had 
had its seat there, and how desolate and distressing the 
sight was now! The traces of a fugitive Government were 
unmistakable. Whatever might have been our optimism 
before, however little inclination the burghers might have 
felt to surrender, however great the firmness of the officers, 
and their resolve to keep the beloved "Vierkleur" flying, 
scenes like those at Nooitgedacht, and again at Nelspruit, 
were enough to make even the strongest and most energetic 
lose all courage. Many men could not keep back their 
tears at the disastrous spectacle, as they thought of the 
future of our country and of those who had been true to 
her to the last. 

Kaffirs, as I said, had been making sad havoc among 
the provisions, clothes and ammunition, and I ordered them 
to be driven away. Amongst the many rail way- waggons 
I found some loaded with clothes the fighting burghers 
had in vain and incessantly been asking for, also cannon 



A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 125 

and cases of rifle ammunition. We also came across a 
great quantity of things belonging to our famous medical 
commission, sweets, beverages, etc. The suspicion which 
had existed for some considerable time against this commis- 
sion was tlierefore justified. There w^as even a carriage 
which had been used by some of its members, beautifully- 
decorated, with every possible comfort and luxury, one 
compartment being filled with bottles of champagne and 
valuable wines. My officers, who were no saints, saw that 
our men were well provided for out of these. The re- 
mainder of the good things was shifted on to a siding, 
where about twenty engines were kept. By great good 
luck the Government commissariat stock, consisting of 
some thousands of sheep, and even some horses, had also 
been left behind. But we were not cheered. 

Among the many questions asked regarding this sad 
state of affairs was one put by an old burger: 

"Dat is nou die plan, want zooals zaken hier lyk, dan 
heeft die boel in wanhoop gevlug." ("Is that the plan, 
then? For from what I can see of it, they have all fled 
in despair.") 

I answered, "Perhaps they were frightened away, Oom." 

"Ja," he said, "but look. General, it seems to me as 
if our members of the Government do not intend to 
continue the war. You can see this by the way they have 
now left everything behind for the second time." 

"No, old Oom," I replied, "we should not take any 
notice of this. Our people are wrestling among the waves 
of a stormy ocean; the gale is strong, and the little boat 
seems upon the point of capsizing, but it has not gone 
down as yet. Now and then the boat is dashed against 
the rocks and the splinters fly, but the faithful sailors 
never lose heart. If they were to do that the dinghy 
would soon go under, and the crew would disappear for 
€ver. It would be the last page of their history, and their 



126 ANGLO-BOEK WAR. 

children would be strangers in their own country. You 
understand, Oom?" 

"Yes, General, but I shall not forget to settle up, for 
I myself and others with me have had enough of this, and 
the War has opened our eyes." 

"All right, old man." I rejoined, "nobody can prevent 
you surrendering, but I have now plenty of work to do;, 
so get along." 

Burghers of different commandos who had strayed — 
some on purpose — passed us here in groups of two or ten 
or more. Some of them were going to their own districts, 
right through the English lines, others were looking for 
their cattle, which they had allowed to stray in order tO' 
evade the enemy. I could only tell them that the veldt 
between Nelspruit and Barberton up to Avoca, was, so far 
as I had been able to discover, full of cattle and waggons 
belonging to farmers who now had no chance of escaping. 
Everybody wanted some information from the General. 

About half a score of burghers with bridle horses then 
came up. There was one old burgher among them with a 
long beard, a great veldt hat, and armed with a Mauser 
which seemed hardly to have been used. He carried two- 
belts with a, good stock of cartridges, a revolver, and a 
iamaai (long sjambok). This veteran strode up in grand 
martial style to where I was sitting having something to 
eat. As he approached he looked brave enough to rout 
the whole British army. 

"Dag!" (Good morning.) "Areyou the General?" asked 
the old man. 

"Yes, I have the honour of being called so. Are you 
a field-marshal, a Texas Jack, or what?" 

"My name is Erasmus, from the Pretoria district," he 
replied, "and my nine comrades and myself, with my family 
and cattle, have gone into the bush. I saw them all running 
away, the Government and all. You are close to the For- 



A GOVEKNIVIENT IN FLIGHT 127 

tuguese border, and my mates and I want to know what 
your plans are." 

"Well," Mr. Erasmus, I returned, "what you say is almost 
true; but as you say you and your comrades have been 
hiding in the bush with your cattle and your wives, I should 
like to know if you have ever tried to oppose the enemy 
yet, and also what is your right to speak like this," 

"Well, I had to flee with my cattle, for you have to 
live on that as well as I." 

"Right," said I; "what do you want, for I do not feel 
inclined to talk any longer." 

"I want to know," he replied, "if you intend to retire, 
and, if there is any chance of making peace. Knot, we will 
go straight away to Buller, and 'hands-up,' then we shall 
save all our property." 

"Well, my friend," I Remarked, "our Government and 
the Commandant-General are the people who have to con- 
clude peace, and it is not for you or me, when our family" 
and cattle are in danger, to surrender to the enemy, which 
means turning traitor to your own people." 

"Well, yes; good-bye. General, we are moving on now." 

I sent a message to our outposts to watch these fellows, 
and to see if they really were going over to the enemy.. 
And, as it happened, that same night my Boers came to 
camp with the Mausers and horses Erasmus and his party 
had abandoned. They had gone over to Buller. 

The above is but an instance illustrating what often 
came under my notice during the latter period of my 
command. This sort of burgher, it turned out, invariably 
belonged to a class that never meant to fight. In many 
cases we could do better without them, for it was alwaj^s 
these people who wanted to know exactly what was "on 
the cards," and whenever things turned out unpleasantly, 
they only misled and discouraged others. Obviously, wet 
were better off without them. 



CHAPTER XXIL 



AN IGNO>nNIOUS DISPERSAL. 



COMMANDANT-GENERAL BOTHA, who was then 
invahded at Hector's Spruit Station, now sent word 
that we were to join him there without delay. He said I 
could send part of the commando by train, but the railway 
arrangements were now all disturbed, and everj'ihing was 
in a muddle. As nothing could be relied on in the way 
of transport, the greater number of the men and most of 
the draught beasts had to "trek." 

At Crocodile Gat Station the situation was no better 
than at Nelspruit, and the same might be said of Kaapmuiden. 
Many of the engine drivers, and many of the burghers 
even, who were helping in destroying the barrels of spirits 
at the stations, were so excited (as they put it) through 
the fumes of the drink, that the strangest things were hap- 
pening. Heavily-laden trains were going at the rate of 
40 miles an hour. A terrible collision had happened between 
two trains going in different directions several burghers 
and animals being killed. Striplings were shooting from the 
trains at whatever game they saw, or fancied they saw, 
along the line, and many mishaps resulted. These things 
did not tend to improve matters. 

It was not so much that the officers had lost control 
over their men. It seemed as if the Evil Spirit had been 
let loose and was doing his very best to encourage the 
people to riotous enjoyment. 

Hector's Spruit is the last station but one before you 
come to the Portuguese frontier, and about seventeen miles 



128 



AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 129 

from Ressano Garcia. Here every commando stopped inten- 
ding of course to push on to the north and then to cross 
the mountains near Lydenburg in a westerly direction. The 
day when I arrived at Hector's Spruit, President Steyn, 
attended by an escort of 100 men, went away by the same 
route. Meanwhile General Puller was encamped at Glyn's 
mines near Spitskop and the Sabi River, which enabled 
him to command the mountain pass near Mac Mac and 
Pelvedere without the slightest trouble, and to block the 
roads along which we meant to proceed. Although the late 
Commandant (afterwards fighting General) Gravett occupied 
one of the passes with a small commando, he was himself 
in constant danger of being cut off from Lydenburg by a 
flank movement. On the 16th of September, 1900, an inci- 
dent occurred which is difficult to describe adequately. 
Hector Spruit is one of the many unattractive stations along 
the Delegoa Pay railway situated between the great Crocodile 
river and dreary black "kopjes" or "randjes" with branches 
of the Cape mountains intervening and the "Low Veldts," 
better known as the "Poschveldt." This is a locality almost 
filled with black holly bushes, where you can only see the 
sky overhead and the spot of ground you are standing on. 
In September the "boschveldt" is usually dry and withered 
and the scorching heat makes the surroundings seem more 
inhospitable than ever. 

The station was crowded with railway carriages loaded 
up with all sorts of goods, and innumerable passenger 
carriages, and the platform and adjoining places filled with 
agitated people. Some were packing up, others unpacking, 
and some, again, were looting. The majority were, 
wandering about aimlessly. They did not know what was 
happening; what ought to be done or would be done; and 
the only exceptions were the officers, who were busily 
engaged in providing themselves and their burghers with 
provisions and ammunition. 



130 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

I now had to perform one of the most unpleasant 
duties I have ever known: that of calling the burghers 
together and telling them that those who had no horses 
were to go by train to Komati Poort, there to join General 
Jan Coetser. Those who had horses were to report them- 
selves to me the next morning, and get away with me 
through the low fields. 

Some burghers exclaimed ; "We are now thrown over, left 
in the lurch, because we have not got horses ; that is not fair." 

Others said they would be satisfied if I went with 
them, for they did not know General Coetser. 

Commandant-General Botha did not see his way to 
let me go to Komati Poort, as he could not spare me and 
the other commandos. Those of the men who had to walk 
the distance complained very bitterly, and their complaints 
were well-founded. I did my best to persuade and pacify 
them all, and some of them were crying like babies when 
we parted. 

Komati Poort was, of course, the last station, and if 
the enemy were to drive them any further they would 
have to cross the Portuguese border, and to surrender to 
the Portuguese; or they could try to escape through 
Swaziland (as several hundreds did afterwards) or along 
the Lebombo mountains, via Leydsdorp. But if they took 
the latter route then they might just as well have stayed 
with me in the first place. It was along this road that 
General Coetser afterwards fled with a small body of 
burghers, when the enemy, according to expectations, 
marched on Komati Poort, and met with no resistance, 
though there were over 1800 of our men with guns there. 

A certain Pienaar, who arrogated unto himself the 
rank of a general on Portuguese territory, fled with 800 
men over the frontier. These, however, were disarmed and 
sent to Lisbon. 

The end of the struggle was ignominious, as many a 



AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 131 

burgher had feared; and to this day I pity the men who, 
at Hector's Spruit, had to go to Komati Poort much 
against their will. 

Fortunately they had the time and presence of mind 
to blow up the "Long Tom" and other guns before going ; 
but a tremendous lot of provisions and ammunition must 
have fallen into the hands of enemy. 

At Hector's Spruit half a score of cannon of different 
calibre had been blown up, and many things buried which 
may be found some day by our progeny. Our carts were 
all ready loaded, and we were prepared to march next 
morning into the desert and take leave of our stores. 
How would we get on now? Where would we get our 
food, cut off as we were from the railway, and, consequently, 
from all imports and supplies? These questions and many 
others crossed our minds, but nobody could answer them. 

Our convoys were ready waiting, and the following 
morning we trekked into the Hinterland Desert, saying 
farewell to commissariats and stores. 

The prospect was melancholy enough. By leaviag 
Hector's Spruit we were isolating ourselves from the outer 
world, which meant that Europe and civilisation generally 
could only be informed of our doings through English channels. 

Once again our hopes were centred in our God and 
our Mausers. 

Dr. Conan Doyle says about this stage of the war: — 

"The most incredulous must have recognised as he looked at the ' 
heap of splintered and shattered gunmetal (at Hector's Spruit) that the 
long War was at last drawing to a close." 

And here I am, writing these pages seventeen months 
later, and the War is not over yet. But Dr. Doyle is not 
a prophet, and cannot be reproached for a miscalculation 
ot this character, for if I, and many with me, had been 
asked at the time what we thought of the future, we 
might have been as wide of the mark as Dr. Doyle himself. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND, 

THE 18th of September, 1900, found us trekking along 
an old disused road in a northerly direction. We 
made a curious procession, an endless retinue of carts, wag- 
gons, guns, mounted men, "voetgangers" nearly three miles 
long. The Boers walking comprised 150 burghers without 
horses, who refused to surrender to the Portuguese, and 
who had now joined the trek on foot. Of the 1,500 mounted 
Boers 500 possessed horses which were in such a parlous 
condition that they could not be ridden. The draught cattle 
were mostly poor and weak, and the waggons carrying 
provisions and ammunition, as also those conveying the 
guns, could only be urged along with great difficulty. In 
the last few months our cattle and horses had been worked 
hard nearly every day, and had to be kept close to our 
positions. 

During this season the veldt in the Transvaal is in the 
very worst condition, and the animals are then poorer than 
at any other period. We had, moreover, the very worst of 
luck, kept as we were in the coldest parts of the country 
from June till September, and the rains had fallen later 
than usual. There was, therefore, scarcely any food for the 
poor creatures, and hardly any grass. The bushveldt through 
which we were now trekking was scorched by an intolerable 
heat, aggravated by drought, and the temperature in the 
daytime was so unbearable that we could only trek during 
the night. 

Water was very scarce, and most of the welk which, 



-132 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 133 

according to old hunters with us, yielded splendid supplies, 
were found to be dried up. The veldt being burned out 
there was not a blade of grass to be seen, and we had 
great trouble in keeping our animals alive. From time to 
time we came across itinerant kaffir tribes from whom we 
obtained handfuls of salt or sugar, or a pailful of mealies, 
and by these means we managed to save our cattle and horses. 

When we had got through the Crocodile River the 
trek was arranged in a sort of military formation enabling 
us to defend ourselves, had we been attacked. The British 
were already in possession of the railway up to Kaapmuiden 
and we had to be prepared for pursuit ; and really pursuit 
by the British seemed feasible and probable from along the 
Ohrigstad River towards Olifant's Nek and thence along 
the Olifant's River. 

Our original plan was to cross the Sabi, along the 
Meritsjani River, over the mountains near Mac Mac, through 
Erasmus or Gowyn's Pass and across Pilgrim's Rest, where 
we might speedily have reached healthier veldt and better 
climatic conditions. President Steyn had passed there three 
days previously, but when our advance guard reached the 
foot of the high mountains, near Mac Mac, the late General 
Gravett sent word that General Buller with his force was 
marching from Spitskop along the mountain plateau and 
that it would be difficult for us to get ahead of him and 
into the mountains. The road, which was washed away, 
was very steep and difficult and contained abrupt deviations 
so that we could only proceed at a snail's pace. 

Commandant-General Botha then sent instructions to 
me to take my commando along the foot of the mountains, 
via Leydsdorp, while he with his staff and the members 
of the Government would proceed across the mountains 
near Mac Mac. General Gravett was detailed to keep Buller's 
advance guard busy, and he succeeded admirably. 

I think it was here that the British lost a fine chance 



134 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

of making a big haul. General Buller could have blocked 
us at any of the mountain roads near Mac Mac, and could 
also have swooped down upon us near Gowyn's Pass and 
Belvedere. At the time of which I write Buller was lying 
not 14 miles away at Spitskop ; two days after, he actually 
occupied the passes, but just too late to turn the two Govern- 
ments and the Commandant-General. It might be said that 
they could in any case have, like myself, escaped along 
the foot of the mountains via Leydsdorp to Tabina and 
Pietersburg, but had the way out been blocked to them 
near Mac Mac, our Government and generalissimo would 
have been compelled to trek for at least three weeks in 
the low veldt before they could have reached Pietersburg, 
during which time all the other commandos would have 
been out of touch with the chief Boer military strategists 
and commanders, and would not have known what had 
become of their military leaders or of their Government, 
This would have been a very undesirable state of affairs, 
and would very likely have borne the most serious conse- 
quences to us. The British, moreover, could have occupied 
Pietersburg without much trouble by cutting off our progress 
in the low veldt, and barring our way across the Sabini 
and at Agatha. This coup could indeed have been effected 
by a small British force. In the mountains they would, 
moreover, have found a healthy climate, while we should 
have been left in the sickly districts of the low veldt. And 
had we been compelled to stay there for two months we 
would have been forced to surrender, for about the middle 
of October the disease among our horses increased and so 
serious was the epidemic that none but salted horses survived. 
The enteric fever would also have wrought havoc amongst us. 
Another problem was whether all this would not have 
put an end to the war; we still had generals left, and 
etrong commandos, and it was, of course, very likely that 
a great number of Boers driven to desperation would have 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 135 

broken through, although two-thirds of our horses were 
not fit for a bold dash. Perhaps fifteen hundred out of 
the two thousand Boers would have made good their 
escape, but in any case large numbers of wagons, guns, 
etc. would have fallen into the British hands and our 
leaders might have been captured as well. The moral 
eff'ect would have caused many other burghers from the 
other commandos to have lost heart, and this at a moment 
too, when they already required much encouragement. 

This was my view of the situation, and I think Lord 
Roberts, or whoever was responsible, lost a splendid oppor- 
tunity. 

As regards my commando at the foot of the Mauch 
Mountains we turned right about and I took temporary 
leave of Louis Botha. It was a very affecting parting; 
Botha pressed my hand, saying, "Farewell, brother ; I hope 
we shall get through all right. God bless you. Let me 
hear from you soon and frequently." 

That night we encamped at Boschbokrand, where we 
found a store unoccupied, and a house probably belonging 
to English refugees, for shop and dwelling had been burgled 
and looted. After our big laager had been arranged, Boer 
fashion, and the camp fire threw its lurid light against 
the weird dark outline of the woods, the Boers grouped 
themselves over the veldt. Some who had walked twenty 
miles that day fell down exhausted. 

I made the round of the laager, and I am bound to 
say that in spite of the trying circumstances, my burghers 
were in fairly cheerful spirits. 

I discussed the immediate prospects with the ofiicers, 
and arranged for a diff'erent commando to be placed in 
the advance guard each day and a different field-cornet 
in the rear. Boers conversant with the locality were 
detailed to ride ahead and to scout and reconnoitre for 
water. 



136 AXGLaBOER WAR 

When I returned that night to my waggon the evenmg 
meal was ready, but for the first time in my hfe I could 
eat nothing. I felt too dejected. My cook, Jan Smith, 
and my messmates were curious to know the reason I did 
not *wade in," for they always admired my ferocious 
appetite. 

It had been a tiring day, and I pretended I was not 
well ; and soon afterwards lay down to rest. 

I had been sitting up the previous evening till late 
in the night, and was therefore in hopes of dropping off 
to sleep. But whatever I tried — coimting the stars, closing 
my eyes and doing my best to think of nothing — it was 
all in vaiEu 

Insurmountable difficulties presented themselves to me. 
I had ventured into an tmhealthy, deserted, and worst of 
all, unknown part of the countrx' with only 2,000 men. 
I was told we should have to cover 300 miles of this 
enteric-stricken country. 

The burghers without horses were suffering terribly 
from the killing heat, and many were attacked by typhoid 
and malarial fever through having to drink a lot of bad 
water; these enemies would soon decimate our commando 
and reduce its strength to a minimum. And for four or 
five weeks we should be isolated from the Commandant- 
General and from all white men, 

Was I a coward, then, to he there, dejected and even 
frightened? I asked myself. Surely, to think nothing of 
taking part in a fierce battle, to be able to see blood being 
shed like water, to play with hfe and death, one could 
not be without some courage? And yet I did not seem to 
have any pluck left in me here where there did not seem 
to be much danger. 

These and manv similar thoughts came into mvhead 
while I was trying to force myself to sleep, and I told 
myself not to waver, to keep a cool head and a stout 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 137 

heart, and to manfully go on to the end in order to reach, 
the goal we had so long kept in view. 

Ah, well, do not let anybody expect a general to be 
a hero, and nothing else, at all times; let us remember 
that "A man's a man for a' that," and even a fighting 
man may have his moments of weakness and fear. 

The next morning, about four o'clock, our little force 
woke up again. The cool morning air made it bearable 
for man and beast to trek. This, however, only lasted 
till seven o'clock, when the sun was already scorching, 
without the sHghtest sign of a breeze. It became most 
oppressive, and we were scarcely able to breathe. 

The road had not been used for twenty or thirty years, 
and big trees were growing in our path, and had to be 
cut down at times. The dry ground, now, cut up by the 
horses' hoofs, was turned into dust by the many wheels, 
great clouds flying all round us, high up in the air, co- 
vering everything and everybody with a thick layer of 
ashy-grey powder. 

About nine o'clock we reached Zand River, where we 
found some good water, and stayed till dusk. We ex- 
changed some meahes against salt and other necessaries 
with some kaffirs who were living near by the water. 
Their diminutive, deformed stature was another proof of 
the miserable climate there. 

There was much big game here ; wild beasts, "hartebeest," 
''rooiboks" (sometimes in groups of from five to twenty at 
a time), and at night we heard the roaring of lions and 
the howling of wolves. Even by day lions were encoun- 
tered. Now, one of the weakest points, perhaps the weakest, 
of an Afrikander is his being unable to refrain from 
shooting when he sees game, whether such be prohibited 
or not. From every commando burghers had been sent 
out to do shooting for our commissariat, but a good many 
had slipped away, so that hundreds of them were soon 



138 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

liunting about in the thickly-grown woods. The consequence 
was that, whenever a group of them discovered game, it 
seemed as if a real battle was going on, several persons often 
being wounded, and many cattle killed. We made rules 
and regulations, and even inflicted punishments which did 
some good, but could not check the wild hunting instincts 
altogether, it being difficult to find out in the dark bush 
Avho had been the culprits. 

Meanwhile the trek went on veiy slowly. On the seventh 
day we reached Blyde River, where we had one of the 
loveliest views of the whole "boschveldt." The river, which 
has its source near Pilgrim's Rest and runs into the great 
Olifant's River near the Lomboba, owes its name to trekker 
pioneers, who, being out hunting in the good old times, 
had been loolting for water for days, and when nearly 
perishing from thirst, had suddenly discovered this river, 
and called it Blyde (or "Glad") River. The stream at the 
spot we crossed is about 40 feet wide, and the water as 
pure as crystal. The even bed is covered with white gravel, 
and along both banks are splendid high trees. The whole 
laager could outspan under their shade, and it was a 
delightful, refreshing sensation to find oneself protected 
from the burning sun. We all drank of the delicious water, 
■which we had seldom found in such abundance, and we 
also availed ourselves of it to bathe and wash our clothes. 
In the afternoon a burgher, whose name I had better 
not mention, came running up to us with his clothes torn 
to tatters, and his hat and gun gone. He presented a 
curious picture. I heard the burghers jeer and chaff him 
as he approached, and called out to him: "What on earth 
have you been up to ? It looks as if you had seen old 
Nick with a mask on." 

The affrighted Boer's dishevelled hair stood on end 
and he shook with fear. 

He gasped: "Goodness gracious, General, I am nearly 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 139 

dead, I had gone for a stroll to do a bit of hunting like, 
and had shot a lion who ran away into some brushwood. 
I knew the animal had received a mortal wound, and ran 
after it. But I could only see a yard or so ahead through 
the thick undergrowth, and was following the bloodstained 
track. Seeing the animal I put down my gun and was 
stepping over the trunk of an old tree; but just as I put 
my foot down, lo! I saw a terrible monster standing with 
one paw on the beast's chest. Oh, my eye! I thought my 
last hour had come, for the lion looked so hard at me, 
and he roared so awfully. By jove. General, if this had 
been an Englishman I should just have "hands-upped," 
you bet ! But I veered round and went down bang on my 
nose. My rifle, my hat, my all, I abandoned in that battle, 
and for all the riches of England, I wo'uld not go back. 
General, you may punish me for losing my rifle, but I 
•won't go back to that place for anything or anybody." 

I asked him what the lion had done then, but he 
"knew nothing more. Another burgher who stood by, remar- 
ked : "I think it was a dog this chap saw. He came running 
up to me so terrified that he would not have known his 
own mother. If I had asked him at that moment he would 
not have been able to remember his own name." 

The poor fellow was roused to indignation, and offered 
to go with the whole commando and show them the lion's 
trail. But there was no time for that, and the hero had a 
bad time of it, for everybody was teasing and chaffing him, 
^nd henceforth he was called the "Terror of the Vaal." 

We should have liked to have lingered a few days near 
that splendid and wholesome stream. We wanted a rest 
hadly enough, but it was not advisable on account of the 
fever, which is almost invariably the penalty for sleeping 
near a river in the low veldt. One of the regulations of 
our commando forbade the officers and men to spend the 
:night by the side of any water or low spot. It would also 



140 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

have been fatal to the horses, for sickness amongst them 
and fever always coincide. But they did not always keep 
to the letter of these instructions. The burghers, especially 
those who had been walking, or arriving at a river, would 
always quickly undress and jump into the water, after which 
some of them would fall asleep on the banks or have a rest 
under the trees. Both were unhealthy and dangerous luxuries. 
Many burghers who had been out hunting or had been sent 
out provisioning, stayed by the riverside till the morning, 
since they could dispense with their kit in this warm climate. 
They often were without food for twenty-four hours, unless 
we happened to trek along the spot where they were resting. 
To pass the night in these treacherous parts on an empty 
stomach was enough to give anybody the fever. 

When we moved on from Blyde River many^ draught 
beasts were exhausted through want of food, and we were 
obliged to leave half a dozen carts behind. This caused a 
lot of trouble as we had to transfer all the tilings to other 
vehicles, and field-cornets did not like to take up the goods 
belonging to other field-cornets' burghers, the cattle being 
in such a weak condition that it made every man think 
of his^ own division. No doubt the burghers were very kind 
to their animals, but they sometimes carried it too far, and 
the superior officers had often to interfere. 

The distance from Blyde River to the next stopping 
place could not be covered in one day, and we should have 
no water the next; not a very pleasant prospect. The great 
clouds of dust through which we were marching overnight 
and the scorching heat in the daytime made us all long 
for water to drink and to clean ourselves. So when the 
order came from the laager commandants: "Outspan! No- 
water to-day, my boys, you will have to be careful with 
the water on the carts. We shall be near some stream 
to-morrow evening," they were bitterly disappointed. 

When we got near the water the following day eight 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 141 

l)urghers were reported to be suffering badly from the 
typhoid fever, five of them belonging to the men who 
were walking. We had a very insufficient supply of ambu- 
lance waggons, I had omitted to procure a great number of 
these indispensable vehicles on leaving Hector's Spruit, for 
there had been so many things to look after. We were 
lucky to have with us brave Dr. Manning, of the Russian 
Ambulance, who rendered us such excellent assistance, and 
we have every reason to be thankful to H.M. the Czarina 
of Russia for sending him out. Dr. Manning had the 
patients placed in waggons, which had been put at his 
disposal for this purpose, but notwithstanding his skilled and 
careful treatment, one of my men died the following day, 
while the number of those who were seriously ill rose to 
fifteen. The symptoms of this fatal illness are; headache 
and a numb feeling in all the limbs, accompanied by an 
unusually high temperature very often rising to 104 and 
106 degrees during the first 24 hours, with the blood 
Tunning from the patient's nose and ears, which is an 
ominous sign. At other times the first symptom is what 
is commonly called "cold shivers." 

We proceeded slowly until we came to the Nagout 
River, where the monotony and dreariness of a trek through 
the "boschveldt" were somewhat relieved by the spectacle 
of a wide stream of good water, with a luxurious vegetation 
along the banks. It was a most pleasant and refreshing 
sight to behold. For some distance along the banks some 
grass was found, to which the half-starved animals were 
soon devoting their attention. It was the sort of sweet 
grass the hunters call "buffalo-grass," and which is consi- 
dered splendid food for cattle. We pitched our camp on 
a hill about one mile from the river, and as our draught- 
beasts were in want of a thorough rest we remained there 
for a few days. We had been obliged to drive along some 
hundreds of oxen, mules, and horses, as they had been 



142 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

unfit to be harnessed for days, and had several times beerr 
obliged to leave those behind that were emaciated and 
exhausted. 

From the Nagout River we had to go right up to the 
Olifaut's River, a distance of about 20 miles, which took 
us three days. The track led all along through the immense 
bush-plain which extends from the high Mauch Mountains 
in the west to the Lebombo Mountains in the east; and 
yet one could only see a few paces ahead during all these 
days, and the only thing we could discern was the summit 
of some mountain on the westerly or easterly horizon, 
and even the tops of the Mauch and Lebombo Mountains 
one could onl}^ see by standing on the top of a loaded 
waggon, and with the aid of a field-glass. This thickly- 
wooded region included nearly one-third of the Transvaal, 
and is uninhabited, the white men fearing the unhealthy 
climate, while only some miserable little kaffir tribes were 
found about there, the bulk being the undisputed territory 
of the wild animals. 

The Olifant's River, which we had to cross, is over 
100 feet wide. The old track leading down to it, was so 
thickly covered with trees and undergrowth that we had 
to cut a path through it. The banks of the river were 
not very high, thus enabling us to make a drift without 
much trouble. The bed was rocky, and the water pretty 
shallow, and towards the afternoon the whole commando 
had crossed. Here again we were obliged to rest our 
cattle for a few days, during which we had to fulfil the 
melancholy duty of burying two of our burghers who had 
died of fever. It was a very sad loss and we were very 
much afifected, especially as one left a young wife and two 
little children, living at Barberton. The other one was a 
young colonial Afrikander who had left his parents in the 
Cradock district (Cape Colony) to fight for our cause. We 
could not help thinking how intensely sad it was to lose 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 143 

one's life on the banks of this river, far from one's home, 
from relatives and friends, without a last grasp of the 
hand of those who where nearest and dearest. 
The Transvaaler's last words were : — 

"Be sure to tell my ■wife I am dying cheerfully, with a clear cons- 
cience ; that I have given my life for the welfare of my Fatherland." 

We had now to leave some draught cattle and horses 
behind every day, and the number of those who were 
obliged to walk was continually increasing, till there were 
several hundred. 

Near Sabini, the first river we came to after leaving 
Leydsdorp we secured twentj^'-four mules which were of 
very great use to us under the circumstances. But the 
difficulty was how to distribute them amongst the field- 
cornets. The men all said they wanted them very urgently, 
and at once found the cattle belonging to each cart to be 
too thin and too-weak to move. Yet the twenty-four could 
only be put into two carts, and I had to solve the difficulty 
by asserting my authority. 

It was no easy task to get over the Agatha Mountains 
and we had to rest for the day near the big Letaba, espe- 
cially as we had to give the whole file of carts, guns, etc., 
a chance of forming up again. Here we succeeded in 
buying some loads of mealies, which were a real God-send 
to our half-starved horses. I also managed to hire some 
teams of oxen from Boers who had taken up a position 
with their cattle along the Letaba, which enabled us to 
get our carts out of the Hartbosch Mountains as far as 
practicable. The task would have been too fatiguing for 
our cattle. It took us two days before we were out of 
these mountains, when we camped out on the splendid 
"plateau" of the Koutboschbergen, where the climate was 
wholesome and pleasant. 

Here, after having passed a whole month in the wilderness 
of the low veldt, with its destructive climate, it was as 



144 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

though we began a new life, as if we had come back to 
civilisation. We again saw white men's dwellings, cultivated 
green fields, flocks of grazing sheep, and herds of sleek cows. 

The inhabitants of the country were not a little surprised, 
not to say alarmed, to find, early one Sunday morning, a 
big laager occupying the plateau. A Boer laager always 
looks twice as large as it reall}'' is when seen from a little 
distance. Some Boer lads presently came up to ask us whether 
we were friends or enemies, for in these distant parts people 
were not kept informed of what happened elsewhere. 

*A general," said a woman, who paid us a visit in a 
trap, "is a thing we have all been longing to see. I have 
called to hear some news, and whether you would like to 
buy some oats ; but I tell you straight I am not going to 
take "blue-backs" (Government notes), and if you people 
buy ray oats you will have to pay in gold." 

A burgher answered her: "There is the General, under 
that cart; 'tante' had better go to him." 

Of course I had heard the whole conversation, but 
thought the woman had been joking. The good lady came 
up to my cart, putting her cap a little on one side, pro- 
bably to favour us with a peep at her beauty. 

"Good morning. Where is that General Viljoen;they 
say he is here?" 

I thought to myself: "I wonder what this charming Deli- 
lah of fifty summers wants," and got up and shook hands with 
her, saying : "I am that General. What can I do for 'tante' ?" 

"No, but I never! Are you the General? You don't 
look a bit like one ; I thought a General looked 'baing' 
(much) different from what you are like." 

Much amused by all this I asked: "What's the matter 
with me, then, 'tante'?" 

"Na}'", but cousin (meaning myself) looks like a youngster. 
I have heard so much of you, I expected to see an old 
man with a long beard." 



TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 145 

I had had enough of this comedy, and not feehng 
indined to waste any more civiHties on this innocent 
daughter of Mother Eve, I asked her about the oats. 

I sent an adjutant to have a look at her stock and 
to buy what we wanted, and the prim dame spared me 
the rest of her criticism. 

We now heard that Pietersburg and Warmbad were 
still held by the Boers, and the road was therefore clear. 
We marched from here vio Haenertsburg, a little village 
on the Houtboschbergrand, and the seat of some officials 
of the Boer Mining Department, for in this neighbourhood 
gold mines existed, which in time of peace gave employment 
to hundreds of miners. 

Luckily, there was also a hospital at Haenertsburg, 
where we could leave half a dozen fever patients, under 
the careful treatment of an Irish doctor named Kavanagh, 
assisted by the tender care of a daughter of the local 
justice of the peace, whose name, I am sorry to say, I 
have forgotten. 

About the 19th of October, 1900, we arrived at 
Pietersburg, our place of destination. 



10 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING. 

WE found Pietersburg to be quite republican, all tl'.e 
officials, from high to low, in their proper places 
in the offices, and the "Vierkleur" flying from the Govern- 
ment buildings. The railway to Warmbad was also in 
Boer hands. At Warmbad were General Beyers and his 
burghers and those of the Waterberg district. Although 
we had no coals left, this did not prevent us from running 
a train with a sufficient number of carriages from Pieters- 
burg to Warmbad twice a week. We used wood instead, this 
being found in great quantities in this part of the country. 

Of course, it took some time to get steam up, and we 
had to put in more wood all the time, while the boilers 
continually threatened to run dry. We only had two 
engines, one of which was mostly up for repairs. The 
other one served to keep the commandos at AVarinbad 
provided with food, etc. 

The Pietersburgers also had kept up telegraphic 
communication, and we were delighted to hear that clothes 
and boots could be got in the town, as we had to replace 
our own, which had got dreadfully torn and worn out on 
the "trek" through the "boschveldt." Each commandant 
did his best to get the necessary things together for his 
burghers, and my quarters were the centre of great activity 
from the early morning to late in the evening, persons 
who had had their goods commandeered applying to the 
General and lodging complaints. 

After we had been at Pietersburg for eight days, a 



146 



COMMANDEERING 147 

delay wMcIi seemed so many months to me, I had really 
had too much of it. The complaints were generally 
introduced by remarks about how much the complainants 
ancestors had done for the country at Boomplaats, 
Majuba, etc., etc., and how unfairly they were now being 
treated by having their only horses, or mules, or their 
carriages, or saddles commandeered. 

The w^orst of it was, that they all had to be coaxed', 
either with a long sermon, pointing out to them what an 
honour and distinction it was to be thus selected to do 
their duty to their country and their people, or by giving 
them money if no appeal to their generous feelings would 
avail; sometimes by using strong language to the timid 
ones, telling them it would have to be, whether they liked 
it or not. 

Anyhow we got a hundred fine horses together at the 
cost of a good many imprecations. The complainants may 
be divided into the following categories: — 

1st. Those who really believed they had some cause 
of complaint. 

2nd. Those who did not feel inclined to part with 
anything without receiving the full value in cash — whose 
patriotism began and ended with money. 

3rd. Those who had Anglophile tendencies and 
thought it an abomination to part with anything to a 
commando (these were the worst to deal with, for they 
wore a mask, and we often did not know whether we had 
got hold of the Evil One's tail or an angel's pinions), and 

4th. Those who were complaining without reason. 
These were, as a rule, burghers who did not care to fight, 
and who remained at home under all sorts of pretexts. 

The complaints from females consisted of three 
classes : — 

1st. The patriotic ones who did all they could — sensible 
ladies as they were — to help us and to encourage our 



148 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

burghers, but who wanted the things we had commandeered 
for their own use. 

2nd. The women without any national sympathy — a 
tiresome species, who forget their sex, and burst into 
vitujDcration if they could not get their w^ay; and 

3rd. The women with English sympathies, carefully 
hidden behind a mask of pro-Boer expressions. 

The pity of it was that you could not see it written 
on their foreheads which category they belonged to, and 
although one could soon find out what their ideas were, 
one had to be careful in expressing a decided opinion about 
them, as there was a risk of being prosecuted for libel. 

I myself always preferred an outspoken complaint. I 
could always cut up roughly refer him to martial law, 
and gruffly answer, "It will have to be like this, or you 
will have to do it!" And if that did not satisfy him I 
had him sent away. But the most difficult case was when 
the complaint was stammered under a copious flood of 
tears, although not supported by any arguments worth 
listening to. 

There were a good many foreign subjects at Pietersburg 
but they were mostly British, and these persons, who also 
had some of their horses, etc., commandeered, were a great 
source of trouble, for many Boer officers and burghers 
treated them wdthout any ceremony, simply taking away 
what tliey wanted for their commandos. I did not at all 
agree wdth this way of doing things, for so long as a 
foreign subject, though an Englishman, is allowed to remain 
within the fighting lines, he has a right to protection and 
fairness, and no diff'erence ought to be made between him 
and the burghers who stay at home, when there is any 
fighting to be done. 

From Pietersburg we went to Nylstroom, a village on 
the railway to wich I had been summoned by telegram 
by the Commandant-General, who had arrived there on 



COMMANDEERING 149 

his way to the westerly districts, this being the first I had 
heard of him after we had parted at the foot of the Mauchberg, 
near Mac Mac. 

I travelled by rail, accompanied by one of my com- 
mandants. The way they managed to keep up steam was 
delightfully primitive. We did not, indeed, fly along the 
rails, yet we very often went at the rate of nine miles 
an hour. 

When our supply of wood got exhausted, we would 
just stop the train, or the train would stop itself, and the 
passengers were politely requested to get out and take a 
hand at cutting down trees and carrying wood. This had 
a delicious flavour of the old time stage coach about it, 
when first, second, and third class passengers travelled in 
the same compartment, although the prices of the different 
classes varied considerably. When a coach came to the foot 
of a mountain the travellers would, however, soon find out 
where the difference between the classes lay, for the driver 
would order all firstclass passengers to keep their seats, 
secondclass passengers to get out and walk, and third-class 
passengers to get out and push. 

We got to our destination, however, although the chances 
seemed to have been against it. I myself had laid any odds 
against ever arriving alive. 

At Nylstroom we found President Steyn and suite, who 
had just arrived, causing a great stir in this sleepy little 
village, which had now become a frontier village of the 
territory in which we still held sway. 

A great popular meeting was held, which President 
Steyn opened with a manly speech, followed by a no less 
stirring one from our Commandant-General, both exhorting 
the burghers to do their duty towards their country and 
towards themselves by remaining faithful to the Cause, as 
the very existence of our nation depended on it. 

In the afternoon the officers met in an empty hall ofi 



150 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

the hotel at Nylstroom to hold a Council of War, under 
the direction of the Commandant-General. 

Plans were discussed and arrangements made for the 
future. I was to march at once from Pietersburg to the 
north-westerly part of the Pretoria district, and on to Witnek, 
which would bring us back to our old battlegrounds. The 
state of the commandos, I was told, in those parts was very 
sad. The commandant of the Boksburg Commando had 
mysteriously fallen into the enemy's hands, and with his 
treacherous assistance nearly the whole commando had been 
captured as well. The Pretoria Commando had nearly shared 
this melancholy fate. 

That same night we travelled to Pietersburg. After we 
had passed Yzerberg the train seemed to be going more 
and more slowly, till we came to a dead stop. The engine 
had broken down, and all we could do was to get out and 
walk the rest of the way. In a few hours' time, to our 
great joy, the second, and the only other train from Pietersburg 
there was, came up. 

After having convinced the engine-driver that he had 
to obey the General's orders, he complied with our request 
to take us to Pietersburg, and at last, after a lot of trouble, 
we arrived the following day. Our cattle and horses were 
now sufficiently rested and in good condition. The com- 
mandos have been provided with the things they most 
urgently needed, and ordered to be ready within two days. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



PUNISHING THE PEO-BRITISH. 



DURING the first days of November, 1900, we went 
from Pietersburg to Witnek, about nineteen miles 
north of Bronkhorst Spruit, in the Pretoria district. We 
had enjoyed a fortnight's rest, which had especially bene- 
fited our horses, and our circumstances were much more 
favourable in every respect when we left Pietersburg than 
when we had entered it. 

The Krugersdorp Commando had been sent to its 
own district, from Pietersburg via Warmbad and Rusten- 
burg, under Commandant Jan Kemp, in order to be placed 
under General De la Rey's command. Most of the burghers 
preferred being always in their own districts, even though 
the villages scattered about were in the enemy's hands, 
the greater part of the homesteads burnt down and the 
farms destroyed, and nearly all the families had been placed 
in British Concentration Camps; and if the commanding 
officers would not allow the burghers to go to their own 
districts they would simply desert, one after the other, to 
join the commando nearest their districts. 

I do not think there is another nation so fondly 
attached to their home and its neighbourhood, even though 
the houses be in ruins an the farms destroyed. Still the 
Boer feels attracted to it, and when he has at last succeeded 
in reaching it, you will often find him sit down discon- 
solately among the ruins or wandering about in the vicinity. 

It was better, therefore, to keep our men somewhere 
near their districts, for even from a strategical point of 

151 



152 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

view they were better there, knowing every nook and 
cranny, which enabled them to find exactly where to hide 
in case of danger. Even in the dark they were able to 
tell, after scouting, which way the enemy would be coming. 
This especially gave a commando the necessary self-reliance, 
which is of such great importance in battle. It has also 
been found during the latter part of the War to be easier 
for a burgher to get provisions in his own district than 
in others, notwithstanding the destruction caused by the 
enemy. 

Commandant Muller, of the Boksburg Commando, one 
of those who were lucky enough to escape the danger of 
being caught through the half-heartedness of the previous 
commandant (Dirksen), and had taken his place, arrived 
at Warmbad almost the same moment. He proceeded via 
Yzerberg and joined us at Klipplaatdrift near Zebedelestad. 

I had allowed a field-cornet's company, consisting of 
Colonial Afrikanders, to accompany President Steyn to the 
Orange Free State, which meant a reduction of my force 
of 850 men, including the Krugersdorpers. But the junc- 
tion with the Boksburg burghers, numbermg about 200 
men, somewhat made up for it. 

We went along the Olifant's River, by Israelskop and 
Crocodile Hill, to the spot where the Eland's River runs 
into the Olifant's River, and thence direct to Witnek 
through Giftspruit. 

The grass, after the heavy rains, was in good condition 
and yielded plenty of food for our quadrupeds. Strange 
to say, nothing worth recording occurred during this "trek" 
of about 95 miles. About the middle of November we 
camped near the "Albert" silver mines, south of Witnek. 

Commandant Erasmus was still in this part of the country 
with the remainder of the Pretoria Commando. Divided into 
three or foursmaller groups, they watched in the neighbourhood 
of the railway, from Donkerhoek till close to WilgeriYcr Station, 



PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 153 

and whenever the enemy moved out, the men on watch gave 
warning and all fled with their families and cattle into 
the "boschveldt" along Witnek. 

It was these tactics which enabled the British Press 
to state that the Generals Plumer and Paget had a brilliant 
victory over Erasmus the previous month; for, with the 
exception of a few abandoned carts at Zusterhoek, they 
could certainly not have seen anything of Erasmus and 
his commando except a . cloud of dust on the road from 
Witnek to the "boschveldt." 

I had instructions to reorganise the commandos in 
these regions and to see that law and order were maintained. 
The reorganisation was a difficult work, for the burghers 
were divided amongst themselves. 

Some wanted a different commando, while others 
wanted to keep to Erasmus, who was formerly general and 
who had been my superior, round Ladysmith. He, one 
of the wealthiest and most influential burghers in the 
Pretoria district, did not seem inclined to carry out my 
instructions, and altogether he could not get accustomed 
to the altered conditions. I did all I could in the matter, 
but, so far as the Pretoria Commando was concerned, the 
result of my efforts was not very satisfactory. Nor did the 
generals who tried the same thing after me get on with 
the re-organisation while Erasmus remained in control as 
an officer, A dangerous element, which he and his clique 
tolerated, was formed by some families (Schalkwyk and 
others) who, after having surrendered to the enemy, were 
allowed to remain on their holdings, with their cattle, and 
to go on farming as if nothing had happened.' They ge- 
nerally lived near the railway between our sentry stations 
and those of the enemy. These "voluntarily disarmed 
ones," as we called them, had got passes from the enemy, 
allowing them free access to the British camps, and in 
accordance with one of Lord Roberts' proclamations, their 



154 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

duty, on seeing any Boers or commandos, was, to notify this at 
once to the nearest EngHsh picket, and also to communicate all 
information received about the Boers, All this was on penalty 
of having their houses burnt down and their cattle and 
property confiscated. Sometimes a brother or orther relative of 
these "hands-uppers" would call on them. The son of one 
of them was adjutant to Commandant Erasmus, and shared 
his tent with him, while the adjutant often visited his 
parents during the night and sometimes by day; the con- 
sequence being that the English always knew exactly what 
was going on in our district. This situation could not be 
allowed to go on, and I instructed one of my officers to 
have all these suspected families placed behind our com- 
mandos. Any male persons who had surrendered to the 
enemy out of cowardice were arrested. 

Most of them were court-martialled for high treason 
and desertion, and giving up their arms, and fifteen were 
imprisoned in a school building at Rhenosterkop, which 
had been turned into a gaol for the purpose. The court 
consisted of a presiding officer selected from the commandants 
by the General, and of four members, two of whom had 
been chosen by the General and the President, and two 
by the burghers. 

In the absence of our "Staats-procuieur," a lawyer was 
appointed public prosecutor. 

Before the trial commenced the President was sworn 
by the General and the other four members by the 
President. The usual criminal procedure was followed, 
and each sentence was submitted for the General's ratification. 

The court could decree capital punishment, in which 
case there could be an appeal to the Government. 

There were other courts, constituted by the latter, 
but as they were moving about almost every day, they 
were not always available, and recourse had then to be 
taken to the court-martiaL 



PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 155 

The fifteen prisoners were tried in Rhenosterkop chur- 
chyard. The trial lasted several days, and I do not remenber 
all the particulars of the various sentences, which differed 
from two and a half to five years' imprisonment, I believe 
with the option of a fine. The only prison we could send 
them to was at Pietersburg, and there they went. 

The arresting and punishing of these people caused 
a great sensation in the different commandos. 

It seems incredible, but it is a fact that many members 
of these traitors' families were very indignant about my 
action in the matter, even sending me anonymous letters 
in which they threatened to shoot me. 

Although there was less treason after the conviction 
of these fifteen worthies had taken place, there always 
remained an easy channel in the shape of correspondence 
between burghers from the commandos and their relatives 
within the English fighting lines, carried by kaffir runners. 
This could not be stopped so easily. 

On the 19th of November, 1900, 1 attacked the enemy on 
the railway simultaneously at Balmoral and Wilgeriver, and 
soon found that the British had heard of our plan beforehand. 

Commandant MuUer, who was cautiously creeping up 
to the enemy at Wilgeriver with some of his burghers, and 
a Krupp gun, met with a determined resistance early in 
the morning. He succeeded, indeed, in taking a few small 
forts, but the station was too strongly fortified, and the enemy 
used two 15-pounders in one of the forts with such precision 
as to soon hit our Krupp gun, wliich had to be cleared 
out of the fighting line. 

The burghers, who had taken the small forts in the 
early morning, were obliged to stop there till they could 
get away under protection of the darkness, with three men 
wounded. We did not find out the enemy's losses. 

We were equally unfortunate near Balmoral Station, 
where I personally led the attack. 



156 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

At daybreak I ordered a fortress to be stormed, expecting 
to capture a gun, which would enable us to fire on the 
station from there, and then storm it. In fact we occupied 
the fort with little trouble, taking a captain and 32 men 
prisoners, besides inflicting a loss of several killed and 
wounded, while a score or more escaped. These all belonged 
to the "Buffs," the same regiment which now takes part in 
watching us at St. Helena. But, on the whole, we were dis- 
appointed, not finding a gun in the fort, which was situated 
to the west of the station. Two divisions of burghers with 
a 15-pounder and a pom-pom were approaching the 'station 
from north to east, while a commando, under Field-Cornet 
Duvenhage, which had been called upon to strengthen the 
attack, was to occupy an important position in the south 
before the enemy could take it up, for during the night it 
was still unoccupied. 

Our 15-pounder, one of the guns we had captured from 
the English, fired six shells on the enemy at the station, 
when it burst, while the pom-pom after having sent some 
bombs through the station buildings, also jammed. We tried 
to storm over the bare ground between our position and 
the strongly barricaded and fortified station, and the enemy 
would no doubt have been forced to surrender if they had 
not realized that something had gone wrong with us, our 
guns being silent, and Field-Cornet Duvenhage and his 
burghers not turning up from the south. The British, who 
had taken an important position from which they could 
cover us with their fire, sent us some lyddite shells from 
a howitzer in the station fort. Although there was a good 
shower of them, yet the lyddite-squirt sent the shells at 
such a slow pace, that we could quietly watch them coming 
and get under cover in time and therefore they did very 
little harm. 

At eight o'clock we were forced to fall back, for although 
we had destroyed the railway and telegraphic communications 



PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH '157 

in several places over night, the latter were repaired in the 
afternoon, and the enemy's reinforcements poured in from 
Pretoria as well as from Middelburg, I observed all this 
through my glass from the position I had taken up on a 
high point near the Douglas coal mines. 

Amongst the prisoners we had made in the morning 
was a captain of the "Buffs," whose collar stars had been 
stripped oif for some reason, the marks showing they had 
only recently been removed. At that time there were no 
orders to keep officers as prisoners-of-war, and this captain 
was therefore sent back to Balmoral with the other "Tom- 
mies," after we had relieved them of their weapons and 
other things which we were in want of. I read afterwards, 
in an English newspaper, that this captain had taken the 
stars off in order to save himself from the "cruelties of 
the Boers." 

This, I considered, an unjust and undeserved libel. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



BATTLE OF RHEXOSTERKOP. 



ON the 27th of November, 1900, our scouts reported 
that a force of the enemy was marching from the 
direction of Pretoria, and proceeding along Zustershoek. I 
sent out Commandant Muller with a strong patrol, while 
I placed the laager in a safe position, in the ridge of kopjes 
running from Rhenosterkop some miles to the north. This 
is the place, about 15 miles to the northeast of Bronkhorst 
Spruit, where Colonel Anstruther with the 94th regiment 
was attacked in 1881 by the Boers and thoroughly defeated. 
Rhenostertop is a splendid position, rising several hundred 
feet above the neighbouring heights, and can be seen from 
a great distance. Towards the south and south-east this 
kopje is cut off from the Kliprandts (known by the name 
of Suikerboschplaats) by a deep circular cleft called Rhenos- 
terpoort. 

On the opposite side of this cleft the so-called "banks" 
form a "plateau" about the same height as the Rhenosterkop, 
with some smaller plateaux, at a lesser altitude, towards 
the Wilge River. These plateaux form a crescent running 
from south-east to north of the Rhenosterkop. Only one 
road leading out of the "bank", near Blackwood Camp and 
crossing them near Goun, gives access to this crescent. 
On the west side is a great gap up to Zustershoek, only 
interrupted by some "randjes," or ridges, near the Albert 
silver mines and the row of kopjes on which I had now 
taken up a position. 

The enemy's force had been estimated at 5,000 men, 



158 



BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 159 

mostly mounted, who, quite against their usual tactics, 
charged us so soon as they noticed us. MuUer had to fall 
back again and again. The enemy under General Paget, 
pursued us as if we were a lot of game, and it soon became 
apparent that they had made up their minds to catch us 
this time. I sent our carts into the forest along Poortjesnek 
to Roodelaager, and made a stand in the kopjes near 
Phenosterkop. 

On the 28th — the next day — General Paget pitched 
his camp near our positions, shelling us with some batteries 
of field guns till dusk. The same evening I received infor- 
mation that a force under General Lyttelton had marched 
from Middelburg and arrived near Blackwood Camp. This 
meant that our way near Gourjsberg had been cut off. 
All we could do was to keep the road along Poortjesnek 
well defended, for if the enemy were to succeed in bloc- 
king that as well, we would be in a trap and be entirely 
cut up. 

There was General Paget against us to the west, to 
the south there was Rhenosterkop with no way out, and 
General Lyttelton to the east, while to the north there 
was only one road, running between high chains and 
deep clefts. If General Paget were to make a flanking 
movement threatening the road to the north, I should 
have been obliged to retire in hot haste, but we were in 
hopes the General would not think of this. General Lyt- 
telton only needed to advance another mile, right up to 
the first "randts" of the mountain near Blackwood Camp, 
for his guns to command our whole position, and to make 
it impossible for us to hold it. I had, however, a field- 
cornet's company between him and my burghers, with 
instructions to resist as long as possible, and to prevent 
our being attacked from behind, which plan succeeded, as 
: luck would have it. My Krupp and pom-pom guns 
! had been repaired, or rather, patched up, though th© 



IGO ANGLO-BOER WAR 

former had only been fired fourteen times when it was 
done up. 

I placed the Johannesburgers on the left, the Police 
in the centre, and the Boksburgers on the right. As I 
have already pointed out, these positions were situated in 
a row of small kopjes strewn with big "klips," while the 
assailant would have to charge over a bare "bult," and 
we should not be able to see each other before they were 
at 60 to 150 paces distant. 

Next morning, when the day dawned, the watchmen 
gave the alarm, the warning we knew so well, "The Khakis 
are coming!" The horses were all put out of range of the 
bullets behind the "randts," I rode about with my officers 
in front of our positions, thus being able to overlook the 
whole ground, just at daybreak. 

It gave me a turn when I suddenly saw the gigantic 
army of "Khakis" right in front of us, slowly approaching, 
in grand formation, regiment upon regiment, deploying 
systematically, in proper fighting order, and my anxiety 
was mingled with admiration at the splendid discipline of 
the adversary. This, then, was the first act in the bloody 
drama which would be played for the next fifteen hours. 
The enemy came straight up to us, and had obviously 
been carefully reconnoitring our positions. 

General Paget seemed to have been spoiling for a fight, 
for it did not look as if he simply meant to threaten our 
only outlet. His heavy ordnance was in position near his 
camp, behind the soldiers, and was firing at us over their 
heads, while some 15-pounders were divided amongst the 
different regiments. The thought of being involved in such 
an unequal struggle weigheid heavily on my mind. Facing 
me were from four to five thousand soldiers, well equipped, 
well discipHned, backed up by a strong artillery; just 
behind me my men, 500 at the outside, with some pat- 
ched-up guns, almost too shaky for firing purposes. 



BATTLE OF HHENOSTERKOP 161 

But I could rely on at least 90 per cent, of my burghers 
being splendid shots, each man Inowing how to economise 
his store of ammunition, while their hearts beat warmly 
for the Cause. 

The battle was opened by our Krupp gun, from which 
they had orders to fire the fourteen shells we had at our 
disposal, and then ''run." The enemy's heavy guns soon 
answered from the second ridge. When it was broad daylight 
the enemy tried his first charge on the Johannesburg 
position, over which my brother had the command, and 
approached in skirmishing order. They charged right up 
to seventy paces, when our men fired for the first time, 
so that we could not very well have missed our aim at 
so short a distance, in addition to which the assailants' 
outline was just showing against the sky-line over the 
last ridge. Only two volleys and all the Khakis were 
flat on the ground, some dead, others wounded, while 
those who had not been hit were obliged to lie down as 
flat as a pancake. 

The enemy's field-pieces were out of our sight behind 
the ridge which the enemy had to pass in charging, and 
they went on firing without any intermission. Half an 
hour later the position of the Johannesburg Police, under 
the late Lieutenant D. Smith, was stormed again, this 
time the British being assisted by two field-pieces which 
they had brought up with them in the ranks and which 
were to be used as soon as the soldiers were under fire. 
They came to within a hundred paces; one of these guns 
I saw put up, but before they could get the range it had to 
be removed into safety, for the attacking soldiers fared 
equally badly here as on our left flank. 

Then after a little hesitation, they tried the attack 
on our right flank again, when Commandant MuUer and 
the Boksburgers and some Pretoria burghers, under Field- 
Cornet Opperman held the position, but with the same 

11 



162 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

fatal result to the attackers. Our fifteen-pound er, after 
having been fired a few times, had given out, while our 
pom-pom could only be used from time to time after the 
artilleryman had righted it. 

I had a heliograph post near the left-hand position, 
one near the centre and the one belonging to my staff on 
our extreme right. I remained near this, expecting a flank 
movement by General Paget after his front attacks had 
failed. From this coign of vantage I was able to overlook 
the whole of the fighting ground, besides which I was in 
constant touch with my oflftcers, and could tell them all 
the enemy's movements. 

About 10 o'clock they charged again, and so far as I 
could see with a fresh regiment. We allowed them to 
come up very closely again and once more our deadly 
Mauser fire mowed them down, compelling those who went 
scot-free to go down flat on the ground; while during this 
charge some who had been obliged to drop down, now 
jumped up and ran away. If I remember rightly, it was 
during this charge that a brave ofiicer, who had one of 
his legs smashed, leant on a gun or his sword, and kept 
on giving his orders, cheeririg the soldiers and telling them 
to charge on. While in this position, a second bullet 
struck him, and he fell mortally wounded. We afterwards 
heard it was a 'certain Colonel Lloyd of the West Ridmg 
Regiment. A few months after, on passing over this same 
battle-field, we laid a wreath of flowers on his grave, with 
a card, bearing the inscription: "In honour of a brave 
enemy.'' 

General Paget seemed resolved to take our positions, 
whatever the sacrifice of human lives might be. If he 
succeeded at last, he might find half a score of 
wounded burghers and if his cavalry hurried up, perhaps 
a number of burghers with horses in bad condition, but 
nothing more. 



BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 163 

Whereas, if he had made a flanking movement, he 
might have attained his end, perhaps without losing a 
single man. 

Pride or stupidity must have induced him not to 
change his tactics. Nothing daunted by the repeated 
failures in the morning, our assdilant charged again, now 
one position and then another, trying to get their field- 
pieces in position, but each time without success. At their 
wits* end, the enemy tried another dodge, bringing his 
guns right up to our position under cover of some Red 
Cross waggons. The officer who perceived this, reported 
to me by heliograph, asking for instructions. I answered : 
'If a Red Cross waggon enters the fighting lines during 
the battle, it is there on its own responsibility.' Besides, 
General Paget, under protection of the white flag, might 
have asked any moment for an hour, or longer, to carry 
away his many unfortunate wounded, who were lying 
between two fires in the burning sun. 

When the Red Cross waggon was found to be in the 
line of fire, it was put right-about face, while some guns 
remained behind to fire shrapnel at us. from a short distance. 
They could only fire one or two shots, for our burghers 
soon put out of action the artiHeryists who were serving 
them. Towards the afternoon some of my burghers began 
to run short of ammunition. I had a field-cornet's force 
in reserve, from which five to ten men were sent to the position 
from time to time, and this cheered the burghers up again. 

The same attacking tactics were persisted in by General 
Paget all day long, although they were a complete failure. 
When the sun disappeared behind the Magaliesbergs, the 
enemy made a final, in fact, a desperate effort to take our 
positions, the guns booming along while we were enveloped 
by clouds of dust thrown up by the shells. 

The soldiers charged, brave as lions, and crept closer 
to our positions than they had done during the day. . 



1G4 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

But it seemed as if Fate were favouring us, for our 
15-pounder had just got ready, sending his shells into the 
enemy's lines in rapid succession, and finding the range 
most beautifully. The pom-pom too — which we could 
only get to firo one or two sliells all day long, owing to 
the gunner having to potter about for two or three hours 
after each shot to try and repair it — to our great surprise 
suddenly commenced booming away, and the two pieces — I 
was going to say the "mysterious" pieces — poured a stream 
of murderous steel into the assailants, which made them 
waver and then retire, leaving many comrades behind. 

On our side only two burghers were killed, while 22 
were wounded. The exact loss of the enemy was difficult 
to estimate. It must, however, have amounted to some 
hundreds. 

Again night spread a dark veil over one of the most 
bloody dramas of this war. After the cessation of hostilities, 
I called my officers together and considered our position. 
We had not lost an inch of ground that day, while the 
enemy had gained nothing. On the contrar}'", they liad 
suffered a serious repulse at our hands. But our ammunition 
was getting scarce, our waggons, with provisions, were 18 
miles away. All we had in our positions was mealies and 
raw meat, and the burghers had no chance of cooking them. 
We therefore decided, as we had no particular interest 
in keeping these positions, to fall back that night on 
Poortjesnek, which was a " half-way house" between the 
place we were leaving and our carts, from which we should 
be able to draw our provisions and reserve ammunition. 

We therefore allowed General Paget to occupy these 
positions without more ado. 

I have tried to describe this battle as minutely as 
possible in order to show that incompetence of generals 
was not always on our side onl3\ 

I have seen from the report of the British Commander- 



BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 165 

in-Chief, published in the newspapers, that this battle had 
been a most successful and brilliant victory, gained by- 
General Paget. People will say, perhaps, that it was silly 
on my part to evacuate the positions, and that I should 
have gone on defending them the next day. Well, in the 
old days this would have been done by European generals, 
but no doubt they were fighting under different circumstances. 
They were not faced by a force ten times their own strength ; 
not restricted to a limited quantity of ammunition; nor 
were they in want of proper food or reinforcements. The 
nearest Boer commando was at Warmbad, about 60 miles 
distant. Besides, there was no necessity, either for military 
or strategical reasons, for us to cling to these positions. 
It had already become our policy to fight whenever We 
could, and to retire when we could not hold on any longer. 
The Government had decided that the War should be 
continued and it was the duty of every general to manoeuvre 
so as to prolong it. We had no reserve troops, so my motto 
was : "Kill as many of the enemy as you possibly can, but 
see you do not expose your own men, for we cannot spare 
a single one." 

On the 30th of November, the day after the fight, I 
was with a patrol on the first "randts," north-eost of 
Rhenosterkop, just as the sun rose, and had a splendid 
view of the whole battlefield of the previous day. I saw 
the enemy's scouts, cautiously approaching the evacuated 
positions, and concluded from the precautions they were 
taking that they did not know we had left overnight. In- 
deed, very shortly after I saw the Khakis storming and 
occupying the kopjes. How great must have been their 
astonishment and disappointment on finding those positions 
deserted, for the possession of which they had shed so much 
blood. A number of ambulance waggons were brought up 
and were moving backwards and forwards on the battlefield, 
taking the wounded to the hospital camp, which must have 



166 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

assumed colossal proportions. Ditches were seen to be dug, 
in which the killed soldiers were buried. A troop of kaffirs 
carried the bodies, as far as I could distinguish, and I could 
distinctly see some heaps of khaki-coloured forms near 
the graves. 

As the battlefield looked now, it was a sad spectacle. 
Death and mutilation, sorrow and misery, were the traces 
yesterday's fight had left behind. How sad, I thought, that 
civilised nations should thus try to annihilate one another. 
The repeated brave charges made by General Paget's soldiers, 
notwithstanding our deadly fire, had won our greatest 
admiration for the enemy, and many a burgher sighed 
even during the battle. What a pity such plucky fellows 
should have to be led on to destruction like so many sheep 
to the butcher's block. 

Meanwhile, General Lyttelton's columns had not got 
any nearer, and it appeared to us that he had only made 
a display to confuse us, and with the object of inducing 
us to flee in face of their overwhelming strength. 

On the 1st of December General Paget sent a strong 
mounted force to meet us, and we had a short, sharp fight, 
without very great loss on either side. 

This column camped at Langkloof, near our positions, 
compelling us to graze and water our horses at the bottom 
of the "neck" in the woods, where horse-sickness was 
prevalent. We were, therefore, very soon obliged to move. 

About this time I received a report to the effect that 
a number of women and children were wandering about 
near Rhenosterkop along the Wilge River. Their houses 
had been burnt by order of General Paget, and we were 
asked to protect these unfortunate people. 

Some burghers offered to ride out at night time to 
try and find them, and the next morning they brought 
several families into our camp. The husbands of these 
poor suflferers were on duty in the neighbourhood, so that 



BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 167 

they were now enabled to do the needful for their wives 
and children. I put some questions to some of the women, 
from which it appeared that although they had besought 
the English not to burn their clothes and food, yet this 
had been done. Some Australians and Canadians, who 
had been present, had done their best to save some of the 
food and clothes, and these Colonials had shown them 
much consideration in every respect, but, the women 
added, a gang of kaffirs, who were ordered to cause this 
destruction, were behaving in the most barbarous and cruel 
manner, and were under no control by the British soldiers. 
I felt bound to protest against these scandalous acts 
of vandalism, and sent two of my adjutants to the English 
camp next day with a note of about the following tenour: — 

"To General Paget, commanding H.^fs forces at Rhenosterkop. 

"It is my painful duty to bring under your Honour's notice the 
cruel way in which the troops under your command are acting in ill- 
treating defenceless women and children. Not only their homes, but also 
their food and clothes, are being burnt. These poor creatures were left 
in the open veldt, at the mercy of the kaffirs, and would have died of 
starvation and exhaustion but for our assistance. This way ot treating 
these unfortunate people is undoubtedly against the rules of civilised 
warfare, and I beg to emphasise that the responsibility for this cruelty 
will be entirely yours. You may x-est assured that a similar treatment 
of our families will not shorten the duration of the War, but that, on 
the contrary, such barbarities will force the burghers to prolong the 
struggle and to fight on with more bitterness and determination than ever." 

The two despatch carriers whom I sent to the British 
General under a white flag were taken for spies, and 
however much they tried to establish their identity. General 
Paget was not to be convinced, and had them arrested, 
detaining them for three days. Their horses were used 
every day by the English officers, which I consider far 
from gentlemanly. On the third day my two adjutants 
were again taken before the general, and cross-examined, 
but no evidence could be found against their being bona-fide 
messengers. Paget told them that my despatch was all 



168 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

nonsense, and did not give them the right to enter his 
lines under the white flag, adding, while he handed them 
a letter addressed to me. *You can go now; tell your 
General that if he likes to fight I shall be pleased to meet 
him at any time in the open. You have killed some of 
my Red Cross people, but I know it was done by those 
'damned' unscrupulous Johannesburgers. Tell them I shall 
pay them for this." 

Before my adjutants left, a certain Captain 

said to one of them: 

"I say, what do your people think of the fight?" 

"Which fight do you mean?" asked the adjutant. 

"The fight here," returned the captain. 

"Oh," remarked the adjutant, "we think it was rather 
a mismanagement." To which the captain replied : "By 
Jove ! you are not the only people who think so." 

The contents of General Paget's letter were short and 
rough ; "The responsibility for the suffering of women and 
children rests on the shoulders of those who blindly con- 
tinue the helpless struggle," etc., etc., 

I may say here that this was the first time in this 
War the English officers treated my despatch riders under 
the white flag in such a manner, giving me at the same 
time such a discourteous answer. 

No doubt we have had generals acting like this on our 
side, and I admit that we did not always stand on etiquette. 

As already stated, part of the enemy's forces were cam- 
ping our near Poortjesnek, so close by that we had to 
shift our laager and commando to a more healthy part on 
account of the horsesickness. The enemy installed a per- 
manent occupation at Rhenosterkop, and we moved into the 
Lydenberg district, where we knew we should find some 
wholesome "veldt" on the Steenkamps Mauntains. We went 
through the forest near Maleemskop via Roodekraal, to the 
foot of Bothasberg, where we had a few weeks' rest. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE SECOND CHKISTMAS AT WAR. 

THE veldt was in splendid condition at the foot of 
Bothasberg, where we had pitched our camp. We 
found mealies and cattle left everywhere. The enemy did 
not know where we really were, and could not, therefore, 
bother us for the time being. Our Government was at 
Tautesberg, about 12 miles north of Bothasberg, and we 
received a visit from Acting-President Burger, who brought 
with him the latest news from Europe, and the reports from 
the other commandos. Mr, Burger said he was sorry we had to 
leave the Pretoria district, but he could understand our horses 
would have all been killed by the sickness if we had 
stopped at Poortjesnek. As regards the Battle of Rhenos- 
terkop, he expressed the Government's satisfaction with 
the result. 

On the 16th of December we celebrated Dingaan's 
Day in a solemn manner. Pastor J. Louw, who had faith- 
fully accompanied us during these fatiguing months of 
retreats and adversity, delivered a most inpressive address, 
describing our position. Several officers also spoke, and I 
myself had a go at it, although I kept to politics. In the 
afternoon the burghers had sports, consisting of races on 
foot and on horseback. The prizes were got together by 
means of small contributions from the officers. All went 
well, without any mishaps, and it was unanimously voted 
to have been very entertaining. 

It was a peculair sight — taking into consideration the 
circumstances — to see these people on the "veldt" feasting 



169 



170 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and of good cheer, each trying to amuse the other, under 
the fluttering "Vierkleur" — the only one we possessed — but 
the look of which gladdened the hearts of many assisting 
at this celebration in the wilderness. How could w^e have 
been in a truly festive mood without the sight of that 
beloved banner, which it had cost so many sacrifices to 
protect, and to save which so much Afrikander blood had 
been shed. 

And in many of us the thought suggested itself: "0, 
Vierkleur of our Transvaal, how much longer shall we 
be allowed to see you unfurled? How long, Lord, will 
a stream of tears and blood have to flow before we are 
again the undisputed masters of our little Republic, scar- 
cely visible on the world's map? For how long will our 
adored Vierkleur be allowed to remain floating over the 
heads of our persecuted nation, whose blood has stained 
and soaked your colours for some generations? We hope 
and trust that so sure as the sun shall rise in the east 
and set in the west, so surely may this our flag, now 
wrapped in sorry mourning, soon flutter aloft again in 
all its glory, over the country on which Nature lavishes 
her most wondrous treasures." 

The Afrikander character may be called peculiar in 
many respects. In moments of reverse, when the future 
seems dark, one can easily trace its pessimistic tendencies. 
But once his comrades buried, the wounded attended to, 
and a moment's rest left him by the enemy, the cheerful 
part of the Boer nature prevails, and he is full of fun 
and sport. If anybody, in a sermon or in a speech, try to 
impress on him the seriousness of the situation, pointing 
out how our ancestors have suffered and how we have to 
follow in their steps, our hero of yesterday, the jolly lad 
who was laughing boisterously and joking a minute ago, 
is seen to melt, and the tears start in his eyes. I am now 
referring to the true Afrikander. Of course, there are many 



SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR 171 

calling themselves Afrikanders who during this War have 
proved themselves to be the scum of the nation. I wish 
to keep them distinguished from the true, from the noble 
men belonging to this nationality of whom I shall be 
proud as long as I live, no matter what the result of the 
War may be. 

Our laagers were not in a very satisfactory position, 
more as regards our safety than the question, of health, 
sickness being expected to make itself felt only later in 
the year. 

We therefore decided to "trek" another 10 miles, to 
the east of Witpoort, through Korfsnek, to the Steenkamps- 
bergen, in order to pitch or camp at Windhoek. Windhoek 
(windcorner) was an appropriate name, the breezes blowing 
there at times with unrelenting fury. 

Here we celebrated Christmas of 1900, but we sorely 
missed the many presents our friends and lady acquain- 
tances sent us from Johannesburg on the previous festival, 
and which had made last year's Christmas on the Tugela 
such a success. 

No flour, sugar or coffee, no spirits or cigars to brighten 
up our festive board. This sort of thing belonged to the 
luxuries which had long ceased to come our way, and we 
had to look pleasant on mealie-porridge and meat, varied 
by meat and mealie-porridge. 

Yet many groups of burghers were seen to be amusing 
themselves at all sorts of games; or you found a pastor 
leading divine service and exhorting the burghers. Thus 
we kept our second Christmas in the field. 

About this time the commandos from the Lydenburg 
district (where we now were) as well as those from the 
northern part of Middelburg, were placed under my com- 
mand, and I was occupied for several days in reorganising 
tho new arrivals. The fact of the railway being almost 
incessantly in the hands of the enemy, and the road from 



172 ANGLO-BOER WAR , 

Macliadodorp to Lydenburg also blocked by tliem (the 
latter being occupied in several places by large or small 
garrisons) compelled us to place a great number of out- 
posts to guard against continual attacks and to report 
whenever some of the columns, which were always moving 
about, were approaching. 

The spot where our laagers were now situated was 
only 13 miles from Belfast and Bergendal, between which 
two places General Smith-Dorrien's strong force was posted ; 
while a little distance behind Lydenburg was General 
Walter Kitchener with an equally strong garrison. We 
were, therefore, obliged to be continually on the alert, not 
relaxing our watchfulness for one single moment. One or 
two burghers were still deserting from time to time, aggra- 
vating their shameful behaviour by informing the enemy 
of our movements, which often caused a well-arranged plan 
to fail. We knew this was simply owing to these very 
dangerous traitors. 

The State Artillerymen, who had now been deprived 
of their guns, were transformed into a mounted corps of 
85 men, under Majors Wolmarans and Pretorius, and 
placed under my command for the time being. 

It was now time we should assume the offensive, 
before the enemy attacked us. I therefore went out scouting 
for some days, with several of my officers, in order to 
ascertain the enemy's positions and to find out their weakest 
spot. My task was getting too arduous, and I decided to 
promote Commandant Muller to the rank of a fighting- 
general. He turned ont to be an active and reliable assistant. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



CAPTURE OP "LADY ROBERTS. 



AFTER I had carefully reconnoitred the enemy's posi- 
tions, I resolved, after consulting my fighting-general 
Muller, to attack the Helvetia garrison, one of the enemy's 
fortifications or camps between Lydenburg and Machadodorp. 
Those fortifications served to protect the railway road from 
Machadodorp Station to Lydenburg, along which their 
convoys went twice a week to provision Lydenburg village. 
Helvetia is situated three miles east of Machadodorp, four 
miles west of Watervalboven Station, where a garrison was 
stationed, and about three miles south of a camp near 
Zwartkoppies. It was only protected on the north side. 
Although it was difiicult to approach this side on account 
ot a mountainous rand through which the Crocodile River 
runs, yet this was the only road to take. It led across 
"Witrand or Bakenkop; the commandos were therefore 
obliged to follow it, and had to do this at night time, for 
if they had passed the Bakenkop by day they would have 
exposed themselves to the enemy's artillery fire from the 
Machadodorp and Zwartkoppies garrisons. 

During the night of the 28th of December 1900, we 
marched from Windhoek, past Dullstroom, up to the neigh- 
bourhood of Bakenkop, where we halted and divided the 
commandos for the attack, which was to be made in about 
the following order: — 

Fighting-General Muller was to trek with 150 men 
along the convoy-road between Helvetia and Zwartkoppies up 
to Watervalboven, keeping his movements concealed from 



173 



174 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

the adversary. Commandant W. Viljoen (my brother), would 
approach the northerly and southerly parts of Helvetia within 
a few hundred paces, with part of the Johannesburgers and 
Johannesburg Police. This commando numbered 200 men. 

In order to be able to storm the different forts almost 
simultaneously we were all to move at 3.30 a.m., and I 
gave the men a password, in order to prevent confusion 
and the possibility of our hitting one another in the general 
charge. There being several forts and trenches to take, the 
burghers were to shout "Hurrah!" as loudly as they could 
in taking each fort, which would show us it was captured, 
and at the same time encourage the others. Two of our 
most valiant field-cornets, P. Myburgh and J. Cevonia, an 
Italian Afrikander, were sent to the left, past Helvetia, 
with 120 men, to attack Zwartkoppies the moment we were 
to storm Helvetia, while I kept in reserve the State Artil- 
lerists and a field-cornet's posse of Lydenburgers to the 
right of the latter place, near Machadodorp, which would 
enable me to stop any reinforcements sent to the other side 
from that place or from Belfast, For if the British were 
to send any cavalry from there they would be able to turn 
our rear, and by marching up as soon as they heard the 
first report of firing at Helvetia, they would be in a position 
to cut me up with the whole of my commando. I only 
suggest the possibility of it, and cannot make out why it 
was not attempted. I can only be thankful to the British 
ojficers for omitting to do this. 

I had taken up a position, with some of my adjutants, 
between the commandos as arranged, and stood waiting, 
watch in hand, for the moment the first shot should be 
fired. My men all knew their places and their duties, but 
unfortunately a heavy fog. rose at about 2 o'clock, which 
made the two field-cornets who were to attack the Zwart- 
koppies lose their way and the chance of reaching their 
destination before daybreak. 



CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS.'* 175 

I received the news of this failure at 3.20, i.e., ten 
minutes before the appointed time of action. A bad beginning, 
I thought, and these last ten minutes seemed many hours 
to me. 

I struck a match every moment, under cover of my 
macintosh, to see if it were yet half past three. Another 
minute and it would soon be decided whether I should 
be the vanquished or the victor. How many burghers, who 
were now marching so eagerly to charge the enemy in 
his trenches, would be missed from our ranks to-morrow? 
It is such moments of tensioQ which make an officer's 
hair turn grey. The relation between our burgher and his 
officers is so entirely different from that which exists 
between the British officer and his men or between these 
ranks perhaps in any other standing army. We are all 
friends ; the life of each individual burgher in our army 
is highly valued by his officer and is only sacrificed at the 
very highest price. We regret the loss of a simple burgher 
as much as that of the highest in rank. And it was the 
distress and worry of seeing these lives lost, which made 
me ponder before the battle. 

Suddenly one of my adjutants called out: "I hear some 
shouting. What may this be?" 

I threw my waterproof over my head and struck a 
match, then cried: "It is time, my lads!" And in a few 
seconds a chain of fire flamed up round the forts, immedi- 
ately followed by the rattling and crackling of the burghers' 
Mausers. The enemy was not slow in returning our fire. 

It is not easy to adequately render the impression a 
battle in the dark makes. Each time a shot is fired you 
see a flash of fire several yards long, and where about 
500 or 600 rifles are being fired at a short distance from 
you, it makes one think of a gigantic display of fireworks. 

Although it was still dusk, I could easily follow the 
course of the fight. The defenders firing slackened in 



176 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

several places, to subside entirely in others, while from the 
direction of the other reports and flashes, our men were 
obviously closing up, drawing tighter the ring round the 
enemy. 

So far, according to my scouts, no stir had been made 
from Belfast, which encouraged me to inform the officers 
that we were not being cut ofif. At daybreak only a few 
shots were falling, and when the fog cleared up I found 
Helvetia to be in our hands. 

General Muller reported that his part of the attack 
had been successfully accomplished, and that a 4.7 naval 
gun had been found in the great fortress. I gave orders 
to fetch this gun out of the fort without delay, to take 
away the prisoners we had made and as much of the 
commissariat as we could manage to carry, and to burn 
the remainder. 

Towards the evening we were fired at by two guns 
at Zwartkoppies, making it very difficult for us to get the 
provisions away. 

A great quantity of rum and other spirits was found 
among the enemy's commissariat, and as soon as the 
British soldiers made prisoners were disarmed, they ran 
up to it, filled their flasks, and drank so freely that about 
thirty of them were soon unable to walk. Their bad 
example was followed by several burghers, and many a 
man who had not been given to drinking used this oppor- 
tunity to imbibe a good quantity, making it very difficult 
for us to keep things in order. 

About 60 men of the garrison had been killed or 
wounded, and their commanding officer had received some 
injuries, but fortunately there was a doctor there who at 
once attended to these cases. On our side we had five 
men killed and seven wounded — the brave Lieutenant 
Nortje and Corporal J. Coetzee being amongst them. 

A small fort, situated between the others, had been 



CAPTURE OF «LADY ROBERTS" 177 

overlooked, through a misunderstanding, and a score of 
soldiers who were garrisoning it had been forgotten and 
omitted to be disarmed. 

An undisciplined commando is not easily managed at 
times. It takes all the officers' tact and shrewdness to get 
all the captured goods — like arms, ammunition, provisions, 
&c. — transported, especially when drink is found in a 
captured camp. 

When we discussed the victory afterwards, it became 
quite clear that our tactics in storming the enemy's 
positions on the east and south sides had been pregnant 
of excellent results, for the English were not at all prepared 
at these points, though they had been on their guard to 
the north. In fact it had been very trying work to force 
them to surrender there. The officer in command, who 
was subsequently discharged from the British Army, had 
done his best, bat he was wounded in the head at the 
beginning of the fight, and so far as I could ascertain 
there had been nobody to take his place. Three lieutenants 
were surprised in their beds and made prisoners-of-war. In 
the big fort where we found the naval gun, a captain of 
the garrison's artillery was in command. This fortress 
had been stormed, as already stated, from the side on 
which the attack had not. been expected and the captain 
had not had an opportunity of firing many shots from 
his revolver, when he was wounded in the arm and 
compelled to surrender to the burghers who rushed up. 
Two hundred and fifty prisoners, including lour officers, 
were made, the majority belonging to the Liverpool regi- 
ment and the 18th regiment of Hussars. They were all 
taken to our laager. 

We succeeded in bringing away the captured gun in 
perfect order, also some waggons. Unfortunately the cart 
with the projectiles or shell, stuck in the morass and had 
to be left behind. 



178 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

I gave orders to have a gun wliicli we had left with 
the reserve burghers at Bakenkop, brought up, to open, 
fire on tlie two pieces which were firing at us from Zwart- 
koppies, and to cover our movements wliile we were taking 
away the prisoners-of-war and the captured stores. I was in 
hopes of getting an opportunity of releasing the carts which 
stuck. But Fate was against us. A heavy hailstorm 
accompained by thunder and lightning, fiercer than I 
have ever witnessed in South Africa before, broke over 
our heads. Several times the lightning struck the 
ground around us, and the weather became so alarming 
that the drunken "Tommies" began to talk about their 
souls, and further efforts to save the carts had to be 
abandoned. 

Whoever may have been the officer in command at 
Zwartkoppies he really '■deserved a D.S.O., which ho 
obtained, too. 

What that order really means I wot not, but I know 
that an English soldier is quite prepared to risk his life 
to deserve one, and as the decoration itself cannot be very 
expensive, it pays the British Government to be very 
liberal with it. A Boer would be satisfied with nothing 
less than promotion as a reward for heroism. 

When the storm subsided we went on. It was a 
remarkable sight — a long procession of "Tommies," burghers, 
carts, and the naval gun, 18 feet long, an elephantine one 
when compared with our small guns. 

It struck me again on this occasion what little bad 
feeling there was really between Boer and Briton, and how 
they both fight simply to do their duty as soldiers. As I 
rode along the stream of men I noticed several groups of 
burghers and soldiers sitting together along the road, eating 
from one tin of jam and dividing their loaf between them, 
and drinking out of the same field flask. 

I remember some snatches of conversation I overheard: — 



CAPTURE OF «LADY ROBERTS" 179 

Tommy: By Jove, but you fellows gave us jip. If you had come a 
little later you -wouldn't have got us so easy, you know. 

Buegheb: Never mind, Tommy, we got you. I suppose next time 
you will get us. Fortunes of war, you know. Have some more, old boy. 
Oh, I say, here is the general coming. 

Tommy: Who's he? Du Wyte or Viljohn? 

And then as I passed them the whole group would 
salute very civilly. 

We. stopped at Dullstroom that night, where we found 
some lodgings for the captared Biitish officers. We were 
sorry one of the Englishmen had not been given time to 
dress himself properly, for we had a very scanty stock of 
clothes, and it was difficult to find him some. 

The next morning I found half a dozen prisoners-of-war 
had sustained slight flesh wounds during the fight, and I 
sent them on a trolley to Belfast with a dispatch to General 
Smith-Dorrien, informing him that four of his ofiicers and 
250 men were in our hands, that they would be well 
looked after, and that I now send back the slightly wounded 
who had been taken away by mistake. 

I will try to give the concluding sentence of my 
communication as far as I remember it, and also the reply 
to it. I may add the words '"The Lady Roberts" had been 
chiselled on the naval gun, and that many persons had 
just been expelled from Pretoria and other places as being 
considered ''undesirables." 

My letter wound up as follows: — 

"I have been obliged to expel "The Lady Roberts" from Helvetia, 
this lady being an "undesirable" inhabitant of that place. I am glad to 
inform you that she seems quite at home in her new surroundings, and 
pleased with the change of company." 

To which General Smith-Dorrien replied: 

"As the lady you refer to is not accustomed to sleep in the open 
air, I would recommend you to try flannel next to the skin." 

I had been instructed to keep the officers we had 
taken prisoners until further orders, and these four were 



180 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

tlierefore lodged in an empty building near Roos Senekal 
under a guard. The Boers had christened this place "Ceylon," 
but the officers dubbed it "the house beaufitul" on account 
of its utter want of attractiveness. 

They were allowed to write to their relatives and 
friends, to receive letters, and food and clothes, which were 
usually sent through our lines under the white flag. The 
company was soon augmented by the arrivals of many 
other British officers who were taken prisoners from time 
to time. 

The 250 captured rank and file were given up to the 
British authorities at Middelburg some days after, for 
military reasons. 

"The Lady Roberts" was the first and so far the last 
big gun taken from the English, and we are proud to say 
that never during this War, notwithstanding all our vicis- 
situdes and reverses, have the British succeeded in taking 
one of our big guns. 

One might call this bragging, but that is not my 
intention and I do not think I am given to boasting. We 
only relate it as one of the most remarkable incidents of 
the War, and as a fact which we may recall with satisfaction. 

As already related, the cart with the shells for "The 
Lady Roberts" had to be left behind after the battle. 
Nothing would have given us greater pleasure than to send 
some shells from "Her Ladyship" into the Belfast camp 
on the last day of 1900, with the "Compliments of the 
Season." Not of course, in order to cause any destruction, 
but simply as a New Year's greeting. We would have sent 
them close by like the Americans in Mark Twain's book : 
"Not right in it, you know, but close by or near it." 
Only the shells were wanting, for with the gun were 50 
charged "hulzen" and a case of cordite "schokbuizen." 

We tried to make a shell from an empty "Long Tom" 
onS; by cutting the latter down, for the "Long Toms" 



CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS" 181 

shells were of greater calibre, and after having it filled 
with four pompom bullets, some cordite etc., we made it 
tight with copper wire, and soldered the whole together. 

But when the shell was fired it burst a few steps away 
from the mouth of the cannon, and we had to abandon 
all hope of ever hearing a shout from the distinguished 
"Lady's" throat. 

It was stowed away safely in the neighbourhood of 
Tautesberg and guarded by a group of cattle-farmers, or 
rather "bush-lancers," as they were afterwards called, in 
case we should get hold of the proper shells some day or other. 

In connection with the attack on Helvetia I should 
like to quote the following lines, written by one of our 
poetasters, State-Secretary Mr. F. W. Reitz, in the field, 
although the translation will harly give an adequate idea 
of the peculiar treatment of the subject: — 

"Hurrah for General Muller, hurrah for Ben Viljoen, 
They went for 'Lady Roberts' and caught her very soon. 
They caught her at Helvetia, great was Helvetia's fall! 
Come up and see 'The Lady,' you Ooms and Tantes all. 
It was a Christmas present (they made a splendid haul). 
And sent 'The Lady Roberts,' a present to Oom Paul. 
It cheered the poor Bush-lancers, it cheered the 'trek boers' all, 
It made them gladly answer to freedom's battle calL 

Lord Roberts gave up fighting, he did not care a rap, 
But left his dear old 'Lady,' who's fond of mealie-pap. 
Of our dear wives and children he burned the happy homes, 
He likes to worry Tantes but fears the sturdy Ooms. 

But his old 'Lady Roberts' (the lyddite-spitting gun). 

He sent her to Helvetia to cheer the garrison; 

He thought she would be safe there, in old Smith-Dorrien's care ; 

To leave the kopjes' shelter the Boers would never dare. 

"Well done, Johannesburgers, Boksburgers, and police, 
Don't give them any quarter, don't give them any peace ; 
Before the sleepy "Tommies" could get their stockings on. 
The forts were stormed and taken, and all the burghers gone. 

We took 300 soldiers, provisions, and their guns, 
And of their ammunition we captured many tona, 
'This is guerilla warfare,' says Mr. Chamberlain, 



182 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

But. those we have bowled over -will never fight again- 
Let Roberts of Kandahar, and Kitchener of Khartoum, 
Let BuUer of Colenso make all their cannon boom. 
They may mow down the kaffirs, with shield and assegai, 
But on his trusty Mauser the burgher can rely. 

For now the white man's fighting, these heroes dare not stay, 
Lord Kitchener's in Pretoria, the others ran away. 
Lord Roberts canH beat burghers, although he (7a«-dahar, 
The Lords are at a distance, the Generals few and far! 

They may annex and conquer, have conquered and annexed, 
Yet when the Mauser rattles the British are perplexed. 
Stand firm then, Afrikanders, prolong the glorious fight, 
Unfurl the good old 'Vierkleur.' Stand firm, for right is might! 

What though the sky be clouded, what though the light be gone; 

The day will dawn to-morrow the sun will shine anon; 

And though in evil moments a hero's hand may fail, 

The strong will be confounded and right will yet prevail I" 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR." 

THIS is the 31st of December, 1900, two days after 
the victory gained by our burghers over the Enghsh 
troops at Helvetia, at the same time the last day of the 
year, or, as they call it, "New Year's Eve"; which is cele- 
brated in our country with great enjoyment. The members 
of each family used to meet on that day, sometimes coming 
from all parts of the country. If this could not be done 
they would invite their most intimate friends to come and 
see the Old Year out — to "ring out the old, and ring in the 
new," for "Auld Lang Syne." This was one of the most 
festive days for everybody in South Africa. On the 31st of 
December, 1899, we had had to give up our time-honoured 
custom, there being no chance of joining in the friendly 
gathering at home, most of us having been at the front 
since the beginning of October, 1899, while our commandos 
were still in the very centre of Natal or in the northern 
part of Cape Colony; Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Maf eking 
were still besieged, and on the 15th of December the great 
victory of Colenso over the English Army had been won. 
It is true that even then we were far from our 
beloved friends, but those who had not been made 
prisoners were still in direct communication with those 
who were near and dear to them. And although we were 
unable to pass the great day in the family circle, yet we 
could send our best wishes by letter or by wire. We had 
then hoped it would be the last time we should have to 
spend the last day of the year under such distressing 



183 



184 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

circumstances, trusting the war would soon be over. 

Now 365 days had gone by — long, dreary, weary days 
of incessant struggle ; and again our expectations had not 
been realised, and our hopes were deferred. AVe were not 
to have the privilege of celebrating "the Old and the 
New" with our people as we had so fervently wished the 
previous year on the Tugela. 

The day would pass under far more depressing circum- 
stances. In many homes the members of the family we 
left behind would be prevented from being in a festive 
mood, thinking as they were of the country's position, 
while mourning the dead, and preoccupied with the fate 
of the wounded, of those who were missing, or known to 
be prisoners-of-war. 

It was night-time, and everybody was under the 
depression of the present serious situation. Is it necessary 
to say that we were all absorbed in our thoughts, reviewing 
the incidents of the past year?. Need we say that everyone 
of us was thinking with sadness of our many defeats, of 
the misery suffered on the battlefields, of our dead and 
wounded and imprisoned comrades; how we had been 
compelled to give up Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, 
and how the principal towns of our Republics, Bloemfontein 
and Pretoria, where our beloved flag had been flying for 
so many long years, over an independent people, were 
now in the hands of the enemy? Need we say we were 
thinking that night more than ever of our many relatives 
who had sacrificed their blood and treasure in this 
melancholy War for the good Cause; of our wives and 
children, who did not know what had become of us, and 
whom most of us had not seen for the last eight months. 
Were they still alive? Should we ever see them alive? 
Such were the terrible thoughts passing through our minds 
as we silently sat round the fires that evening. 

Nor did anything tend to relieve the sombre monotony. 



A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR" 185 

This time we should not have a chance of receiving some 
little things to cheer us up and remind us that our dearest 
friends had thought of us. Our fare would that day be 
the eternal meat and mealies — mealies and meat. 

But why call to mind all these sombre memories of 
the past? Sufficient unto the day it seems was the evil 
thereof. Why sum up the misery of a whole year's 
struggles? And thus we "celebrated" New Year's Eve 
of 1900, till we found our consolation in that greatest of 
blessings to a tired-out man — a refreshing sleep. 

But no sooner had we risen next morning than the 
cheerful compliments: "A Happy New Year!" or "My 
best wishes for the New Year" rang in our ears. We were 
all obviously trying to lay stress on the possible blessings 
of the future, so as to make each other forget the past, 
but I am afraid we did not expect the fulfilment of half, 
of what we wished. 

For well we knew how bad things were all round 
how many dark clouds were hanging over our heads, and 
how very few bright spots were visible on the political 
horizon. 



CHAPTER XXX. 



GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS. 

MY presence was requested on the Srd of January, 
1901, by the Commandant-General at a Council of 
War, which was to be held two days after at Hoetspruit, 
some miles east of Middelburg. General Botha would be there 
with his staff, and a small escort would take him from Ermelo 
over the railway through the enemy's lines. My commandos 
were to hold tnemselves in readiness. There was no doubt 
in my mind as to there being some great schemes on the 
cards, and that the next day we should have plenty 
to do, for the Commandant-General would not come 
all that way unless something important was on. And 
why should my commandos have to keep themselves in 
readiness ? 

On the morning of the 5th I went to the place of 
destination, which we reached at 11 o'clock, to find the 
Commandant-General and suite had already arrived. 
General Botha had been riding all night long in order to 
get through the enemy's lines, and had been resting in the 
shadow of a tree at Hoetspruit. The meeting of his 
adjutants and mine was rather boisterous, and woke him 
up, whereupon he rose immediately and came up to me 
with his usual genial smile. We had often been together 
for many months in the War, and the relations between 
us had been very cordial. I therefore do not hesitate to 
call him a bosom-friend, with due respect to his Honour 
as my chief. 



186 



ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 187 

"Hullo, old brother, how are you?" was Botha's 
welcome. 

"Good morning, General, thank you, how are you?" 
I replied. 

My high appreciation of, and respect for his position, 
made me refrain from calling him Louis, although we did 
not differ much in age, and were on intimate terms. 

"I must congratulate you upon your successful attack 
on Helvetia. You made a nice job of it," he said. "I 
hope you had a pleasant New Year's Eve. But," he went 
on, "I am sorry in one way, for the enemy will be on his 
guard now, and we may not succeed in the execution of 
the plans we are going to discuss to-day, and wich concern 
those very districts." 

"I am sorry, General," I replied, "but of course I 
know nothing of those plans." 

"Well," rejoined the Commandant-General, "we will 
try. anyhow, and hope for the best." 

An hour later we met in council. Louis Botha briefly 
explained how he had gone with General Christian Botha 
and Tobias Smuts, with 1,200 men, to Komatiboven, 
between Carolina and Belfast, where they had left the 
commandos to cross the line in order to meet the officers 
who were to the north of it with the object of going into 
the details of a combined attack on the enemy's camps. 
■ All were agreed and so it was dicided that the attack 
■would be made during the night of the 7th of January, 
at midnight, the enemy's positions being stormed 
simultaneously. 

The attack was to be made in the following way: 
The Commandant-General and General C. Botha alono^ with 
F. Smuts, would attack on the southern side of the garrisons, 
in the following places : Pan Station, Wonderfontein Station, 
Belfast Camp and Station, Dalmanutha and Machadodorp, 
while I was to attack these places from the north. The 



188 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

commandos would be divided so as to have a field-cornet's 
force charge at each place. 

I must say that I had considerable difficulty in trying 
to make a little go a long way in dividing my small force 
along such a long line of camps, but the majority were 
in favour of this "frittering-away" policy, and so it had 
to be done. 

The enemy's strength in different places was not easy 
to ascertain. I knew the strongest garrison at Belfast 
numbered over 2,o00 men, and this place was to be made 
the chief point of attack, although the Machadodorp 
garrison was pretty strong too. The distance along which 
the simultaneous attack was to be made was about 22 miles 
and there were at least seven points to be stormed, viz.. 
Pan Station, Wonderfontein, Belfast Village, Monument 
Hill (near Belfast), the coal mines (near Belfast), Dalmanutha 
Station and Machadodorp. A big programme, no doubt. 

I can only, of course, give a description of the inci- 
dents on my side of the railway line, for the blockhouses 
and the forts provided with guns, which had been built 
along the railway, separated us entirely from the comman- 
dos to the south. The communication between both sides 
of the railway could be only kept up at night time and 
with a great amount of trouble, by means of despatch- 
carriers. We, therefore, did not even know how the attac- 
kingparties on the southern side had been distributed. 
All we knew was, that any place which was to be attacked 
from the north would also be stormed from the south at 
the same time, except the coal mine west of Belfast, occu- 
pied by Lieutenant Marshall with half a section of the 
Gloucester Regiment, which we were to attack separately, 
as it was situated some distance north of the railway line. 

I arranged my plans as follows : Commandant Trichardt, 
with two field-cornets posses of Middelburgers and one of 
Germiston burghers, were to attack Pan and Wonderfontein ; 



ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 189 

the State Artillery would go for the coal mine ; the Lyden- 
burgers look after Dalmanutha and Machadodorp; while 
General Muller with the Johannesburgers and Boksburgers 
would devote their attention to Monument Hill. 

I should personally attack Belfast Village, with a 
detachment of police, passing between the coal mine and 
Monument Hill. My attack could only, of course, be com- 
menced after that on the latter two places had turned out 
successfully, as otherwise I should most likely have my 
retreat cut off. 

In the evening of the 7th of January all the com- 
mandos marched, for the enemy would have been able to 
see us from a distance on this flat ground if we had star- 
ted in the daytime, and would have fired at us with their 
4.7 guns, one of which we knew to be at Belfast. We had 
to cover a distance of 15 miles between dusk and midnight. 
There was therefore no time to be lost, for a commando 
moves very slowly at night time if there is any danger 
in front. If the danger comes from the rear, things very 
often move quicker than is good for the horses. Then the 
men have to be kept together, and the guides are followed 
up closely, for if any burghers were to lag behind and 
the chain be broken, 20 'or 30 of them might stray which 
would deprive us of their services. 

It was one of those nights, known in the Steenkamp 
Mountains as "dirty nights," very dark, with a piercing 
easterly wind, which blew an incessant, fine, misty rain 
into our faces. About nine o'clock the mist changed into 
heavy rains, and we were soon drenched to the skin, for 
very few of us wore rainproof cloaks. 

At ten the rain left off, but a thick fog prevented us 
from seeing anything in front of us, while the cold easterly 
wind had numbed our limbs, almost making them stiff. 
Some of the burghers had therefore to be taken up by the 
ambulance in order to have their circulation restored by 



190 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

means of some medicine or artificial treatment. The 
impenetrable darkness made it very difficult to get on, as 
we were obliged to keep contact by means of despatch- 
riders; for, as already stated, I had to wait with the police 
for the result of the attack on the two positions to the 
right and left of me. 

Exactly at midnight all had arrived at the place of 
destination. Unfortunately the wind was roaring so loudly 
as to prevent any firing being heard even at a hundred 
paces distant. 

The positions near Monument Hill and the coal mine 
were attacked simultaneously, but unfortunately our artil- 
lerymen could not distinctly see the trenches on account 
of the darkness, and they charged right past them, and 
had to turn back when they became aware of the fact, by 
which time the enemy had found out what was up, and 
allowed their assailants to come close up to them (it was 
a round fort about five feet high with a trench round it), 
and received them with a tremendous volley. The artil- 
lerymen, however, charged away pluckily, and before they 
had reached the wall four were killed and nine wounded. 
The enemy shot fiercely and aimed well. 

Our brave boys stormed away, and soon some of them 
jumped over the wall and a hand-to-hand combat ensued. 
The commanding officer of the fortress. Lieutenant Marshall, 
was severely wounded in the leg, which fact must have 
had a great influence on the course of the fight, for he 
surrendered soon after. Some soldiers managed to escape, 
some were killed, about 10 wounded, and 25 were taken 
prisoners. No less than five artillerymen were killed and 
13 wounded, amongst the latter being the valiant 
Lieutenant Coetsee who afterwards was cruelly murdered 
by kaffirs near Roos Senekal. The defenders as well as 
the assailants had behaved excellently. 

Near Monument Hill, at some distance from the position, 



ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 191 

tlie burghers' horses were left behind, and the men marched 
up in scattered order, in the shape of a crescent. When 
we arrived at the enemy's outposts they had formed up 
at 100 paces from the forts, but in the dark the soldiers 
did not see us till we almost ran into them. There was 
no time to waste words. Fortunately, they surrendered 
w^ithout making any defence, which made our task much 
lighter, for if one shot had been fired, the garrison of the 
forts would have been informed of our approach. Only 
at 20 paces distance from the forts near the Monument 
(there were four of them), we were greeted with the 
usual "Halt, who goes there." After this had been repeated 
three times without our taking any notice, and as we kept 
coming closer, the soldiers fired from all the forts. Only 
now could we see how they were situated. We found them 
to be surrounded by a barbed wire fence which was so 
strong and thick that some burghers were soon entangled 
in it, but most of them got over it. 

The first fort was taken after a short but sharp 
defence, the usual "hurrah" of the burghers jumping into 
the fort was, like a whisper of hope in the dark, an 
encouragement to the remainder of the storming burghers, 
who now soon took the other forts, not without having 
met with a stout resistance. Many burghers were killed, 
amongst whom the brave Field-Cornet John Ceronie, and 
many were .wounded. 

It had looked at first as if the enemy did not mean to 
give in, but we could not go back, and "onward" was the 
watchword. In several instances there was a struggle at 
a few paces' distance, only the wall of the fort intervening 
between the burghers and the soldiers. The burghers 
cried: "Hands up, you divils," but the soldiers replied: 
*Hy kona," a kaffir expression which means "shan't." 

"Jump over the walls, my men !" shouted my officers, 
and at last they were in the forts: not, of course, without 



192 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

the loss of many valuable lives. A "melee" now followed; 
the English struck about with their guns and with their 
fists, and several burghers lay on the ground wrestling 
with the soldiers. One "Tommy" wanted to thrust a 
bayonet through a Boer, but was caught from behind by 
one of the latter's comrades, and knocked down and a 
general hand-to-hand fight ensued, a rolling over and 
over, till one of the parties was exhausted, disarmed, 
wounded, or killed. One of the English captains (Vosburry) 
and 40 soldiers were found dead or wounded, several 
having been pierced by their own bayonets. 

Some burghers had been knocked senseless with the 
butt-end of a rifle in the struggle with the enemy. 

This carnage had lasted for twenty minutes, during 
which the result had been decided in our favour, and a 
"hurrah," full of glory and thankfulness, came from the 
throats of some hundreds of burghers. We had won the 
day, and 81 prisoners-of-war had been made, including 
two officers — Captain Milner and Lieutenant Dease — both 
brave defenders of England's flag. 

They belonged to the Royal Irish Regiment, of which 
all Britons should be proud. 

In the captured forts we found a Maxim, in perfect 
order, 20 boxes of ammunition, and other things, besides 
provisions, also a quantity of spirits, which was, however, 
at once destroyed, to the disappointment of many burghers. 

We now pushed on to Belfast village, but found every 
cliff and ditch occupied. All eff'orts to get in touch with the 
commandos which meant to attack the village from the 
south were without avail. Besides, we did not hear a 
single shot fired, and did not know what had become of 
the attack from the south. In intense darkness we were 
firing at each other from time to time, so that it was not 
advisable to continue our operations under the circumstances, 
and at daybreak I told all my commandos to desist. 



ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 193 

The attacks on Wonder fontein, Pan Station, Dalmanutha, 
and Machadodorp had failed. 

I afterwards received a' report from the commandos 
on the other side of the hne, that, owing to the dark night, 
their attacks, although they were made with deliberation 
and great bravery, had all been unsuccessful. They had 
repeatedly missed the forts and had shot at one another. 

General Christian Botha had succeeded in capturing 
some of the enemy's outposts, and in pushing on had come 
across a detachment of Gordon Highlanders and been 
obliged to retire with a loss of 40 killed and wounded. 

We found, therefore, these forts in the hands of the 
soldiers, who, in my opinion, belonged to the best regiments 
of the English army. 

The guests of our Government, at "the house beautiful" 
near Roos Senekal were thus added to by two gentlemen, 
Captain Milner and Lieutenant Dease, and they were my 
prisoners-of-war for four months, during which time I found 
Captain Milner one of the most worthy British officers whom 
it had been my privilege to meet in this War. Not only 
in his manly appearance, but especially by his noble 
character he stood head and shoulders above his fellow- 
officers. 

Lieutenant Dease bore a very good character but was 
young and inexperienced. For several reasons I am pleased 
to be able to make publicly these statements. ; 

The soldiers we had made prisoners during this fight, 
as well as those we took at Helvetia, were given up to 
the British officers a few days afterwards, as we were not 
in a position to feed them properly, and it would not be 
humane or fair to keep the soldiers who had the misfortune 
of falling into our hands without proper food. This, of 
course, was a very unsatisfactory state of affairs, for we 
had to fight fiercely, valuable lives had to be sacrificed, 
every nerve had to be strained to force the enemy to 

13 



194 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

surrender, and to take his positions; and then, when we 
had captured thera, the soldiers were merely disarmed 
and sent back to the English lines after a little while, 
only to find them fighting against us once more in a 
few days. 

The Boers asked, "Why are not these "Tommies" 
required to take the oath before being liberated not to 
fight against us again?" I believe this would have been 
against the rules of civilised warfare, and we did not think 
it chivalrous to ask a man who was a prisoner to take 
an oath in return for his release. 

A prisoner-of-war has no freedom of action, and might 
have promised under the circumstances what he would 
not have done if he had been a free man. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



A "bluff and a battle. 



THE last days of February, 1901, were very trying 
for our commandos on the "Hoogeveld," south of 
the railway. General French, assisted by half a dozen other 
generals, with a force of 60,000 men, crossed the „ Hooge- 
veld," between the Natal border and the Delagoa Railway, 
driving all the burghers and cattle before him, continually 
closer to the Swazi frontier, in order to strike' a "final 
blow" there. 

These operations the English called "The Great Sweep 
of February, 1901." 

Commandant-General Botha sent word that he was 
in a bad plight on the "Hoogeveld," the enemy having 
concentrated all his available troops upon him. I was 
asked to divert their attention as much as possible by 
repeated attacks on the railway line, and to worry them 
everywhere. 

To attack the fortified entrenchments in these parts, 
where we had only just been taking the offensive, causing 
the enemy to be on his guard, would not have been 
advisable. I therefore decided to make a feint attack on 
Belfast. 

One night we moved with all the burghers who had 
horses, about 15 carts, waggons, and other vehicles, guns 
and pom-pom, to a high "bult," near the "Pannetjes." 
When the sun rose the next morning we were in full sight 
of the enemy at Belfast, from which we \,ere about ten 
miles away. 



195- 



196 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Here our commando was split into two parts, and the 
mounted men spread about in groups of fifty men each, 
with carts scattered everywhere among the ranks. We 
slowly approached Belfast in this order. Our commando 
numbered about 800 men, and considering the way we 
were distributed, this w^ould look three times as many. 
We halted several times, and the heliographers, who were 
posted everywhere in sight of the enemy, made as much 
fuss as possible. Scouts were riding about everywhere, 
making a great display by dashing about all over the place, 
from one group of burghers to another. After we had 
waited again for some little time we moved on, and thus 
the comedy lasted till sunset; in fact, we had got within 
range of the enemy's guns. We had received information 
from Belfast to the effect that General French had taken 
all the guns with him to Belfast, leaving only a few of 
small calibre, which could not reach us until we were at 
about 4,000 yards from the fort. Our pom-pom and our 
15-pounder were divided between the two divisions, and the 
officers had orders to fire a few shots on Belfast at sunset. 
We could see all day long how the English near Monument 
Hill were making ditches round the village and putting 
up barbed wire fences. 

Trains were running backwards and forwards between 
Belfast and the nearest stations, probably to bring up 
reinforcements. 

At twilight we were still marching, and by the light 
of the last rays of the sun we fired our two valuable 
field-pieces simultaneously, as arranged. I could not see 
where the shells were falling, but we heard them bursting, 
and consoled ourselves with the idea that they must have 
struck in near the enemy. Each piece sent half a dozen 
shells, and some volleys were fired from a few rifles 
at intervals. We thought the enemy would be sure to 
take this last movement for a general attack. What ho 



"BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 197 

really did think, there is no saying. As the burghers 
put it, "We are trying to make them frightened, but the 
thing to know is, did they get frightened?" For this 
concluded our programme for the day, and we retired for 
the night, leaving the enemy in doubt as to whether we 
meant to give him any further trouble, 3^et without any 
apology for having disturbed his rest. 

The result of this bloodless fight was nil in wounded 
and killed on Ivoth sides. 

On the 12th of February, 1901, the first death-sentence 
on a traitor on our side was about to be carried out, when 
suddenly our outposts round Belfast were attacked by a 
strong British column under General Walter Kitchener. 
When the report was brought to our laager, all the burghers 
went to the rescue, in order to keep the enemy as far 
from the laager as possible, and beat them back. Mean- 
while the outposts re'tired fighting all the while. We took 
up the most favourable positions we could and waited. 
The enemy did not come up close to us that evening, but 
camped out on a round hill between Dullstroom and 
Belfast and we could distinctly see how the soldiers were 
all busy digging ditches and trenches round the camp and 
putting up barbed wire enclosures. They were very likely 
afraid of a night attack and did not forget the old saying 
about being "wise in time." 

Near the spot where their camp was situated were 
several roads leading in diff"erent directions which left us 
in doubt as to which way they intended to go, and whether 
they wanted to attack us, or were on their way to Witpoort- 
Lydenburg. 

The next morning, at sunset, the enemy broke up 
his camp and made a stir. First came a dense mass of 
mounted men, who after having gone about a few hundred 
paces, split up into two divisions. One portion moved in a 
westerly direction, the other to the north, slowly followed 



198 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

by a long file, or as they say in Afrikander ''geJermte" 
(gut) of waggons and carts which, of course, formed the 
convoy. Companies of infantry, with guns, marched between 
tlie vehicles. 

I came to the conclusion that they intended to attack 
from two sides, and therefore ordered the ranks to scatter. 
General Muller, with part of the burghers, went in advance 
of the enemy's left flank and as the English spread out 
their ranks, we did the same. 

At about 9 a.m. our outposts near the right flank of 
the English were already in touch with the enemy, and 
rifle-fire was heard at intervals. 

I still had the old 15-pounder, but the stock of ammu- 
nition had gone down considerably and the same may be 
said of the pom-pom of Rhenosierkop fame. We fired 
some shots from the 15-pounder at a division of cavalry 
at the foot of a kopje. Our worthy artillery sergeant swore 
he had hit them right in the centre, but even with my 
strong spy-glass I could not see the shells burst, although 
I admit the enemy showed a little respect for them, which 
may be concluded from the fact that they at once mounted 
their horses and looked for cover. 

A British soldier is much more in awe of a shell than 
a Boer is, and the enemy's movements are therefore not 
always a criterion of our getting the range. We had, 
moreover, only some ordinary grenades left, some of which 
would not burst, as the "schokbuizen" were defective, and 
we could not be sure of their doing any harm. 

The other side had some howitzers, which began to 
spit about lyddite indiscriminately. They also had some 
quick-firing guns of a smal calibre, which, however, did 
not carry particularly far. But they were a great nuisance, 
as they would go for isolated burghers without being at 
all economical with their ammunition. 

Meanwhile, the enemy's left reached right up to 



«BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 199 

Schoonport, where some burghers, who held good positions, 
were able to fight them. This caused continual collisions 
with our outposts. Here, also, the assailants had two 
15-pounder Armstrong's, which fired at any moving target, 
and hardly ever desisted, now on one or two burghers who 
showed themselves, then on a tree, or an ant-hill, or a 
protruding rock. They thus succeeded in keeping up a 
deafening cannonade, which would have made one think 
there was a terrific fight going on, instead of which it was 
a very harmless bombardment. 

It did no more harm than at the English manoeuvres, 
although it was no doubt a brilliant demonstration, a sort 
of performance to show the British Lion's prowess. I 
could not see the practical use of it though. 

It was only on the enemy's right wing that we got 
near enough to feel some of the effect of the artillery's 
gigantic efibrts, which here forced us to some sharp but 
innocent little fights between the outposts. At about four 
o'clock in the afternoon, the British cavalry stormed our 
left, which was in command of General Muller. We soon 
repulsed them, however. Half an hour after we saw the 
enemy's carts go back. 

I sent a heliographic message to General Muller, with 
whom I had kept in close contact, to the efi'ect that they 
were moving away their carts and that we ought to try 
and charge them on all points as well as we could. 

"All right," he answered; "shall we start at once?" 
I flashed back "Yes," and ordered a general charge. 

The burghers now appeared all along the extended 
fighting line. 

The enemy's guns, wich were just ready to be moved, 
were again placed in position and opened fire, but our 
men charged everywhere, a sort of action which General 
Kitchener did not seem to like, for his soldiers began to 
flee with their guns, and a geneml confusion ensued. Some 



200 . ANGLO-BOER WAR 

of these guns were still being fired at the Boers but the 
latter stormed away determinedly The British lost many 
killed and wounded. 

The cavalry fled in such a hurry as to leave the 
infantry as the only protection of the guns, and although 
these men also beat a retreat they, at least, did it while 
fighting. 

I do not think I overstate the case by declaring that 
General Walter Kitchener owed it to the stubborn 
defence of his infantry that his carts were not captured 
by us that day. 

Their ambulance, in charge of Dr. Mathews and four 
assistants, and some wounded iell into our hands, and were 
afterwards sent back. 

We pursued the enemy as well as we could, but about 
nine miles from Belfast, towards which the retreating 
enemy was marching, the forts opened fire on us from a 
4-7 naval gun and they got the range so well tliat lyddite 
shells were soon bursting about our ears. 

We were now in the open, quite exposed and in sight 
of the Belfast forts. Two of our burghers were wounded 
here. 

Field-Cornet Jaapie Kriege, who was afterwards killed, 
with about 35 burghers, was trying to cut off the enemy 
from a "spruif'-drift; the attack was a very brave one, 
but our men ventured too far, and would all have been 
captured had not the other side been so much in a hurry 
to get away from us. Luckil}^, too, another field-cornet 
realised the situation, and kept the enemy well under fire, 
thus attracting Kriego'a attention, who now got out of 
this scrape. 

When night fell we left the enemy alone, and went 
back to our laager. The next morning the outposts 
reported that the would-be assailants were all gone. 

How much this farce had cost General Kitchener we 



-BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 201 

coold not tell with certainty. An English officer told me 
afterwards he had been in the fight, and that their loss 
there hid been 52 dead and wounded, including some 
officers. He also informed me that their object that day- 
had been to dislodge us. If that is so, I pity the soldiers 
who were told to do this work. 

Our losses were two burghers wounded, as already 
stated. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 



EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR. 



AS briefly referred to in the last diopter, there occurred 
• in the early part of February, 1901, what I always 
regard as one of the most unpleasant incidents of the 
whole Campaign, and which even now I cannot record 
without awakening the most painful recollections. I refer 
to the summary execution of a traitor in our ranks, and 
inasmuch as a great deal has been written of this tragic 
episode, I venture to state the particulars of it in full. 
The facts of the case are as follows: — 

At this period of the War, as well as subsequently, 
much harm was done to our cause by various burghers 
who surrendered to the enemy, and who, actuated by the 
most sordid motives, assisted the British in every possible 
way against us. Some of these treacherous Boers occasionally 
fell into our hands, and were tried by court-martial for 
high treason ; but however damning th^ evidence brought 
against them they usually managed to escape with some 
light punishment. On some occasions sentence of death 
was passed on them, but it was invariably commuted to 
imprisonment for life, and as we had great difficulty in 
keeping such prisoners, they geyierally succeeded, sooner 
or later, in making their escape. This mistaken leniency 
was the cause of much dissatisfaction in our ranks, which 
deeply resented that these betrayers of their country should 
escape scot-free. 

About this time a society was formed at Pretoria, 



EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR. 203 

chiefly composed of surrendered burghers, called the "Peace 
Committee," but better known to us as the "Hands-uppers/' 
Its members surreptitiously circulated pamphlets and 
circulars amongst our troops, advising them to surrender 
and join the enemy. The impartial reader will doubtless 
agree that such a state of things was not to be tolerated. 
Imagine, for example, that English officers and soldiers 
circulated similar communications amongst the Imperial 
troops! Would such proceedings have been tolerated? 

The chairman of this society was a man by the name 
of Meyer De Kock, who had belonged to a Steenkamps- 
berg field-cornet's force and had deserted to the enemy. 
He was the man who first suggested to the British autho- 
rities the scheme of placing the Boer women and children 
in Concentration Camps — a system which resulted in so 
much misery and suffering — and he maintained that this 
would be the most effective way of forcing the Boers to 
surrender, arguing that no burgher would continue to fight 
when once his family was in British hands. 

One day a kaffir, bearing a white flag, brought a 
letter from this person's wife addressed to one of my field- 
cornets, informing him that her husband, Mr. De Kock, 
wished to meet him and discuss with him the advisability 
of surrendering with his men to the enemy. My field-cornet, 
however, was sufficiently sensible and loyal to send no reply. 

And so it occurred that one morning Mr. Pe Kock, 
doubtlessly thinking that he would escape punishment as 
easily as others had before him, had the audacity to ride 
coolly into our outposts. He was promptly arrested and 
incarcerated in Roos Senekal Gaol, this village being at the 
time in our possession. Soon afterwards he was tried by 
court-martial, and on the face of the most damning evidence, 
and on perusal of a host of incriminating documents found 
in his possession, was condemned to death. 

About a fortnight later a waggon drove up to our 



204 ANGLO-BOER WAR. 

laager at Windhoek, carrying Lieutenant De Hart, accom- 
panied by a member of President Burger's bodyguard, 
some armed burghers, and the condemned man De Kock. 
They halted at my tent, and the officer handed me an 
order from our Government, bearing the President's rati- 
fication of the sentence of death, and instructing me to 
carry it out within 24 hours. Needless to say I was much 
grieved to receive this order, but as it had to be obej'-ed 
I thought the sooner it was done the better for all con- 
cerned. So then and there on the veldt I approached the 
condemned man, and said: — 

*Mr. De Kock, the Government has confirmed the 
sentence of death passed on you, and it is my painful 
duty to inform you that this sentence will be carried out 
to-morrow evening. If you have any request to make 
or if you wish to write to your family you will now have 
an opportunity of doing so." 

At this he turned deadly pale, and some minutes 
passed before he had recovered from his emotion. He 
then expressed a wish to write to his family, and was 
conducted, under escort, to a tent, where writing materials 
were placed before him. He wrote a long communication 
to his wife, which we sent to the nearest British officers 
to forward to its destination. He also wrote me a letter 
thanking me for my "kind treatment," and requested me 
to forward the letter to his wife. Later on spiritual 
consolation was offered and administered to him by our pastor. 
Next day, as related in the previous chapter, we were 
attacked by a detachment of General Kitchener's force from 
Belfast. This kept me busy all day, and I delegated two 
of my subaltern officers to carry out the execution. At 
dusk the condemned man was blindfolded and conducted 
te the side of an open grave, where twelve burghers fired 
a volley, and death was instantaneous I am told that De 
Kock met his fate with considerable fortitude. 



EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR 205 

So far as I am aware, this was the first Boer "execution" 
In our history. I afterwards read accounts of it in the 
Enghsh press, in which it was described as murder, but I 
emphatically repudiate this description of a wholly justifiable 
act. The crime was a serious one, and the punishment 
was well deserved, and I have no doubt that the same fate 
would have awaited any English soldier guilty of a similar 
off'eace. It seems a great pity, however, that no war can 
take place without these melancholy incidents. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



IN A TIGHT CORNER. 



IT was now ]\Iarch, 1901. For some time our burghers 
had been complaining of inactivity, and the weary and 
monotonous existence was gradually beginning to pall on 
them. But it became evident that April would be an 
eventful month, as the enemy had determined not to suffer 
our presence in these parts any longer. A huge movement, 
therefore, was being set on foot to surround us and capture 
tue whole commando en bloc. 

It began with a night attack on a field-cornet's force 
posted at Kruger's Post, north of Lydenburg, and here the 
enemy succeeded in capturing 35 men and a quantity of a 
"impedimenta;" the field-cornet in question, although warned 
in time, having taken no proper precautions. By the 
middle of April the enemy's forward movement was in full 
swing. General Plumer came from Pietersburg, General 
Walter Kitchener from Lydenburg, and General Barber 
from Middelburg. They approached us in six different 
directions, altogether a force of 25,000 men, and the whole 
under the supreme command of General Sir Bindon Blood. 

No escape was available for us through Secoekuniland 
on the north, as the natives here, since the British had 
occupied their territory, were avowedly hostile to us. To 
escape, therefore, we would have to break through the 
enemy's lines and also to cross the railway, which was 
closely guarded. 

The enemy were advancing slowly from various 



206 



IN A TIGHT CORNER • 207 

directions. All our roads were carefully guarded, and the 
cordon was gradually tightening around us. We were 
repeatedly attacked, now on this side, now on that, the 
British being clearly anxious to discover our position and 
our strength. In a sharp skirmish with a column from 
Lydenburg my faithful Fighting-General Muller was severely 
wounded in his shoulder, and a commando of Lydenburgers 
had been isolated from me and driven by the enemy along 
Waterfal River up to Steelpoort, where they encountered 
hostile tribes of kaffirs. The commandant of the corps 
after a short defence was obliged to destroy his guns, 
forsake his baggage, and escape with his burghers in small 
groups into the mountains. 

Our position was growing more critical, but I resolved 
to make a stand before abandoning our carts and waggons, 
although there seemed little hope of being able to save 
anything. In fact the situation was extremely perilous. 
As far as I could see we were entirely hemmed in, all the 
roads were blocked, my best officer wounded, I had barely 
900 men with me, and our stock of ammunition was very 
limited. 

I have omitted to mention that early in April, when 
we first got an inkling of this move I had liberated all 
the British officers whom I had kept as prisoners at 
Middelburg, and thus saved the British authorities many 
a D.S.O. which would otherwise have been claimed by 
their rescuers. 

The British around us were now posted as follows. 
At Diepkloof on the Tautesberg to the north-west of us; 
at Roodekraal, between Tautesberg and Bothasberg, to the 
west of us ; at Koebold, under Roodehoogte ; at Windhoek, 
to the east of us ; at Oshoek, to the north-east ; and to the 
north of us between Magneetshoogte and Klip Spruit. We 
were positioned on Mapochsberg near Roos Senekal, about 
midway between Tautesberg and Steenkampsberg. We had 



208 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

carts, "waggons, two field-pieces, and a Colt-Maxim. 

We speedily discovered that we should have to leave 
our baggage and guns, and rely mainly on our liorses 
and rifles. We had placed our hospitals as well as we could, 
one in an empty school-building at Mapochsberg with 10 
wounded, under the care of Dr. Manning; the other, our 
only field-hospital, at Schoonpoort, under the supervision 
of Dr. H. Neethling. Whether these poor wounded Boers 
would have to be abandoned to the enemy, was a question 
which perplexed us considerably. If so, we should have 
been reduced to only one physician. Dr. Leitz, a young 
German who might get through with a pack-horse. Many 
ofl&cers and men, however, had lost all hope of escape. 

It was about the 20th of April when the British appro- 
ached so close that we had to fight all day to maintain 
our positions. I gave orders that same night that we should 
burn our waggons, destroy our guns with dynamite, and 
make a dash through the enemy's lines, those burghers who 
had no horses to mount the mules of the convoy. Hereupon 
about 100 burghers and an officer coolly informed me 
that they had had enough fighting, and preferred to sur- 
render. I was at that time powerless to prevent them doing 
so, so I took away all their horses and ammunition, at 
which they did not seem \evy pleased. Before dusk our 
camp was a scene of wild confusion. Waggons and carts 
were burning fiercely, d3'namite was being exploded, and 
horseless burghers were attempting to break in the mules 
which were to serve them as mounts. Meanwhile a skirmish 
was going on between our outposts and those of tlie enemy. 

It was a strange procession that left Mapochsberg that 
night in our dash through the British lines. Many Boers 
rode mules, whilst many more had no saddles, and no 
small number were trudging along on foot, carrying their 
rifles and blankets on their shoulders. My scouts had 
reported that the best way to get through was on the 



IN A TIGHT CORNER 209 

southern side along Steelpoort, about a quarter of a mile 
from the enemy's camp at Bothasberg. But even should 
we succeed in breaking through the cordon around us, 
we still had to cross the line at Wondersfontein before day- 
break, so as not to get caught between the enemy's troops 
and the blockhouses. 

About 100 scouts, who formed our advanceguard, soon 
encountered the enemy's sentries. They turned to the right, 
then turned to the left; but everywhere the inquisitive 
"Tommies" kept asking: "Who goes there?" Not being- 
over anxious to satisfy their curiosity, they sent round word 
at once for us to lie low, and we started very carefully 
exploring the neighbourhood. But there seemed no way 
out of the mess. We might have attacked some weak point 
and thus forced our way through, but it was still four or 
five hours' ride to the railway line, and with our poor 
mounts we should have been caught and captured. Besides 
which the enemy might have warned the blockhouse 
garrisons, in which case we should have been caught 
between two fires. 

No; we wanted to get through without being discovered, 
and seeing that this was that night hopeless, I consulted 
my officers and decided to return to our deserted camp, 
where we could take up our original positions without the 
enemy being aware of our noctural excursion. 

Next morning the rising sun found us back in our 
old positions. We despatched scouts in all directions as 
usual, so as to make the enemy believe that we intended 
to remain there permanently, and we put ourselves on 
our guard, ready to repel an attack at any point on the 
shortest notice. 

But the enemy were much too cautious, and evidently 
thought they had us safely in their hands. They amused 
themselves by destroying every living thing, and burned 
the houses and the crops. The whole veldt all round was 



14 



210 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

black, everything seemed in mourning, the only relief from 
this dull monotony of colour being that ofForded by the 
innumerable specks of khaki all around us. I believe I 
said there were 25,000 men there, but it now seemed to 
me as if there were almost double that number. 

We had to wait until darkness set in before making 
a second attempt at escape. The day seemed interminable. 
Many burghers were loudly grumbling, and even some 
officers were openly declaring that all this had been done 
on purpose. Of course, these offensive remarks were pointed 
at me. At last the situation became too serious. I could 
only gather together a few officers to oppose an attack 
from the enemy on the eastern side, and something had 
to be done to prevent a general mutiny. I therefore ordered 
a burgher who seemed loudest in his complaints to receive 
15 lashes with a sjambok, and I placed a field-cornet 
under arrest. After this the grumblers remained sullenly 
silent. 

The only loophole in the enemy's lines seemed to be 
in the direction of Pietersburg, on the portion held by 
General Plumer, who seemed far too busy capturing cattle 
and sheep from the "bush-lancers" to surround us closel3\ 
We therefore decided to take our chance there and move 
away as quickly as possible in that direction, and then to ' 
bear to the left, where we expected to find the enemy 
least watchful. Shortly before sunset I despatched 100 
mounted men to ride openly in the opposite direction to 
that which we intended to take, so as to divert the enemy's 
attention from our scene of operations, and sat down to 
wait for darkness. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

ffLUDING THE BRITISH COEDON. 

*"^ f ^HE shades of eve were falling fast" as we moved 
J_ cautiously away from Mapochsberg and proceeded 
through Landdrift, Steelpoort, and the Tautesberg. At 3 
o'clock in the morning we halted in a hollow place where 
we would not be observed, yet we were still a mile and 
a half from the enemy's cordon. Our position was now 
more critical than ever; for should the enemy discover 
our departure, and General Plumer hurry up towards us 
that morning, we should have little chance of escape. 

During the day I was obliged to call all the burghers 
together, and to earnestly address them concerning the 
happenings of the previous day. I told them to tell me 
candidly if they had lost faith in me, or if they had any 
reason not to trust me implicitly, as I would not tolerate 
the way in which they had behaved the day before. I 
added : — 

"If you cannot see your way clear to obey implicitly 
my commands, to be true to me, and to believe that I am 
true to you, I shall at once leave you, and you can appoint 
someone else to look after you. We are by no means out 
of the wood yet, and it is now more than ever necessary 
that we should be able to trust one another to the fullest 
extent. Therefore, I ask those who have lost confidence 
in me, or have any objection to my leading them, to 
stand out." 

No one stirred. Other officers and burghers next rose 
and spoke, assuring me that all the rebels had derserted 



211 



212 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

the previous iiigbt, and tlmt all the men M'ith me would 
be true and faithful. Then Pastor J. Louw addressed the 
burghers very earnestly, pointing out to them the offensive 
way in which some of them had spoken of their superior 
officers, and that in the present difficult circumstances it 
was absolutely necessary that there should be no disintegra- 
tion and discord amongst ourselves. I think all these 
perorations had a very salutary effect. But such were the 
difficulties that we officers had to contend with at the 
hands of undisciplined men who held exaggerated notions 
of freedom of action and of speech; and I was not the 
only Boer officer who suffered in this respect. 

About two in the afternoon I gave the order to saddle 
up, as it was necessary to start before sunset in order to 
be able to cross the Olifant's River before daybreak, so 
that the enemy should not overtake us should they notice 
us. We dismounted and led our horses, for we .had 
discovered that the English could not distinguish between 
a body of men leading their horses and a troop of cattle, so long 
as the horses were all kept close together. All the hills around 
us were covered with cattle captured from our "bush- 
lancers," and therefore our passage was unnoticed. 

We followed an old waggon track along the Buffelskloof, 
where a road leads from Tautesberg to Blood River. 
The stream runs between Botha's and Tautesbergen, 
and flows into the Olifant's River near Mazeppa Drift. 
It is called Blood River on account of the horrible 
massacre which took place there many years before, when 
the Swazi kaffirs murdered a whole kaffir tribe without distinc- 
tion of age or sex, literally turning the river red with blood. 

Towards evening we reached the foot of the mountains, 
and moved in a north-westerly direction past Makleerewskop. 
We got through the English lines without any difficulty 
along some footpaths, but our progress was very slow, as 
we had to proceed in Indian file, and we had to stop 



ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 213 

frequently to see that no one was left behind. The country 
was thickly wooded, and frequently the baggage on the pack- 
horses became entangled with branches of trees, and had to 
be disentangled and pulled off the horses' backs, which 
also caused considerable delay. 

It was 3 o'clock in the morning before we reached 
the Olifant's River, at a spot which was once a footpath 
drift, but was now washed away and overgrown with trees 
and shrubs, making it very difficult to find the right spot to 
cross. Our only guide who knew the way had not been 
there for 15 years, but recognised the place by some high 
trees which rose above the others. We had considerable 
difficulty in crossincr, the water reaching to our horses' 
saddles, and the banks being very steep. By the time 
we had all forded the sun had risen. All the other 
drifts on the river were occupied by the enemy, our 
scouts reporting that Mazeppa Drift, three miles down 
stream, was entrenched by a strong English force, as was 
the case with Kalkfontein Drift, a little higher up. I sup- 
pose this drift was not known to them, and thus had been 
left unguarded. 

Having got through we rode in a northerly direction 
until about 9 o'clock in the morning, and not until then 
were we sure of being clear of the enemy's clutches. But 
there was a danger that the English had noticed our 
absence and had followed us up. I therefore sent out scouts 
on the high kopjes in the neighbourhood, and not until 
these had reported all clear did we take the risk of off- 
saddling. You can imagine how thankful we were after 
having been in the saddle for over 19 hours, and I believe 
our poor animals were no less thankful for a rest. 

We had not slept for three consecutive nights, and 
soon the whole commando, with the exception of the 
sentries, were fast asleep. Few of us thought of food, for 
our fatigue and drowsiness were greater than our hunger. 



214 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

But we could ouly sleep for two hours, for we were much 
too close to the enemy, and we wished to make them 
lose scent of us entirely. 

The burghers grumbled d good deal at being awakened 
and ordered to saddle up, but we moved on nevertheless. 
I sent some men to enquire at a kaffir kraal for the way 
to Pietersburg, and although I had no intention of going 
in that direction, I knew that the kaffirs, so soon as we 
had gone, would report to the nearest British camp that they 
had met a commando of Boers of going there. Kaffirs would 
do this with the hope of reward, which they often received 
in the shape of spirituous liquor. We proceeded all that 
day in the direction of Pietersburg until just before sunset 
we came to a small stream. Heje we stopped for an hour 
and then went on again, this time, however, to the left 
in a southerly direction through the bush to Poortjesnek 
near Rhenosterkop, where a little time before the fight 
with General Paget's force had taken place. We had to 
hurry through the bush, as horse-sickness was prevalent 
here and we still had a long way before us. It was mid- 
night before we reached the foot of the Poortjesnek. 

Here my officers informed me that two young burghers 
had become insane through fatigue and want of sleep, and 
that several, while asleep in their saddles had been pulled 
off their horses by low branches and severely injured. 
Yet we had to get through the Nek and get to the plateau 
before I could allow any rest. I went and had a look at 
the demented men. They looked as if intoxicated and were 
very violent. All our men and horses were utterly exhaus- 
ted, but we pushed on and at last reached the plateau, 
where, to everybody's great delight, we rested for the 
whole day. The demented men would not sleep, but I 
, had luckily some opium pills with me and I gave each 
man one of them, so that they got calmer, and, dropping 
off to sleep, afterwards recovered. 



ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 215 

My scouts reported next day that a strong English 
patrol had followed us up, but that otherwise it was "all 
serene." We pushed on through Lang^oof over our old 
fighting ground near Rhenosterkop, then through the 
Wilge River near Gousdenberg up to Blackwood Camp, 
about nine miles north of Balmoral Station. Here we stayed 
a few days to allow our animals to rest and recover from 
their hardships, and then moved on across the railway to 
the Bethel and Ermelo districts. Here the enemy was 
much less active, and we should have an opportunity of 
being left undisturbed for a little time. But we lost 40 
of our horses, that had caught the dreaded horse-sickness 
whilst passing through the bush country. 

On the second day of our stay at Blackwood Camp I 
sent 150 men under Commandants Groenwald and Viljoen 
through the Banks, via Staglioek, to attack the enemy's 
camp near Wagendrift on the Olifant's River. This was 
a detachment of the force which had been surrounding us. 
We discovered that they were still trying to find us, and 
that the patrol which had followed us were not aware of. 
our having got away. It appears that they only discovered 
this several days afterwards, and great must have been the 
good general's surprise when they found that the birds had 
flown and their great laid schemes had failed. 

My 150 men approached the enemy's camp early in 
the morning, and when at a short range began pouring 
in a deadly rifle fire on the western side. The British 
soldiers, who were not dreaming of an attack, ran to and 
fro in wild disorder. Our burghers, however, ceased firing 
when they saw that there were many women and children 
in the camp, but the enemy began soon to pour out a 
rifle and gun fire, and our men were obliged to carry on 
the fight. 

After a few days' absence they returned to our camp 
and reported to me that "they had frightened the English 



216 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

out of their wits, for they tliought we were to the east at 
Roos Senekal, whereas we turned up from the west." 

Of course the British speedily discovered where we 
were, and came marching up from Poortjesnek in great 
force. But we sent out a patrol to meet them, and the latter 
by passing them M^est of Rhenosterkop effectually misled 
them, and we were left undisturbed at Blackwood Camp. 

This left us time to prepare for crossing the railway; 
so I despatched scouts south to see how matters stood, 
and bade them return the next day. We knew that a 
number of small commandos were located on the south 
side of the railway, but to effect a junction was a difficult 
matter, and we would risk getting trapped between the 
columns if we moved at random. The railway and all the 
roads were closely guarded, and great care was being taken 
to prevent any communication between the burghers on 
either side of the line. 



CHAPTER XXXV, 

BOER government's NARROW ESCAPE. 

^URING the first week of May, 1901, we split up into 
two sections, and left Blackwood Camp early in 
the evening. General Muller took one section over the 
railway line near Brugspruit, whilst I took the other section 
across near Balmoral Station. We naturally kept as far from 
the blockhouses as possible, quietly cut the barbed-wire 
fences stretched all along the line, and succeeded in cros- 
sing it without a shot being fired. To split up into two 
sections was a necessary precaution, first because it would 
have taken the whole commando too long to cross the 
line at one point, and secondly, we made more sure of 
getting at least one section across. Further, had the enemy 
encountered one of the sections they would probably have 
concluded that that was our whole force. 

We halted about six miles from the rail vf ay-line, as 
it was now 2 o'clock in the morning. I ordered a general 
dismount, and we were at last able to light up our pipes, 
which we had been afraid of doing in the neighbourhood 
of the railway for fear of the lights being seen by the 
enemy. The men sat round in groups, and smoked and 
chatted cheerfully. We passed the rest of the night here, 
and with the exception of the sentinels on duty, all were 
able to enjoy a refreshing sleep, lying down, however, with 
their unsaddled horses by their side, and the bridles in 
their hands — a most necessary and useful precaution. 
Together with my adjutant, Nel, I made the round of the 
sentries, sitting a a few moments with each to cheer them 



217 



218 ANGLO-BOEH WAR 

up and keep tliem awake ; for there is nothing to which 
I object more than to be surprised by the enemy, when 
asleep. 

The few hours of rest afforded us passed very quickly, 
and at the first glimmer of dawn I ordered the men to be 
called This is simply done by the officers calling out 
"Opzaal, opzaal" (saddle-up) in loud tones. When it was 
light enough to look round us we had the satisfaction of 
seeing that all was quiet and that no troops were in the 
immediate neighbourhood. We made for a place called 
Kroomdraai, about halfway between Heidelberg and Mid- 
delburg, where we knew there were some mealies left ; and 
although we should be between the enemy's camps there, 
I felt there would be no danger of being disturbed or 
surprised. 

I also sent a report to the Commandant-General, who 
was at that time with the Government near Ermelo, and 
described to him all that had happened. I received a reply 
some days later, requesting me to leave my commando at 
Kroomdraai and proceed to see him, as an important 
Council of War was to be held between the various generals 
and the Government. 

Four days later I arrived at Begin der Lijn ("beginning 
of the line") on the Vaal River, south-east of Ermelo, 
accompanied by three of my adjutants, and reported myself 
to the Commandant-General. 

Simultaneously with my arrival there came two British 
columns, commanded by our old friend Colonel Bullock, 
whose acquaintance we had previously made at Colenso. 
They came apparently with the idea of chasing us, possibly 
thinking to catch us. This was far from pleasant for me. 
I had been riding post haste for four days, and I and my 
horse were very tired and worn out. However, there was 
no help for it. I had barely time to salute the members 
of the Government, and to exchange a few words with 



BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 210 

-General Botha, when we had to "quit." For eight days 
we wandered round with Colonel Bullock at our heels, 
always remaining, however, in the same neighbourhood. 
This officer's tactics in trying to capture us were childishly 
-simple. During the day there would be skirmishes between 
the enemy and General Botha's men, but each evening 
the former would, by retiring, attempt to lull us into a 
sense of security. But as soon as the sun had set, they 
would turn right about face, return full speed to where 
they had left us, and there would surround us carefully 
during the night, gallantly attacking us in the morning 
and fully expecting to capture the whole Boer Government 
and at least half a dozen generals. This was a distinct 
nuisance, but the tactics of this worthy officer were so 
simple that we very soon discovered them. Accordingly, 
-every evening we would make a fine pretence of pitching 
■our camp for the night; but so soon as darkness had set 
in, we would take the precaution of moving some 10 or 
15 miles further on. Next morning Colonel Bullock, who 
had been carefully "surrounding" us all night, would find 
that we were unaccountably absent. Much annoyed at this, 
he would then send his "flying" columus running after us. 
This went on for several days, until finally, as we expected, 
his horses were tired out, and I believe he was then 
removed to some other garrison, having been considered 
-a failure as a "Boer-stalker." No doubt he did his best, 
but he nevertheless managed his business very clumsily. 
Not until nine days after my arrival at this perambu- 
lating seat of Government did we have an opportunity of 
-snatching a few hours' rest. We were now at a spot 
called Immegratie, between Ermelo and Wakkerstroom. 
Here a meeting was held by the Executive Council, and 
attended by the Commandant-General, General Jan Smuts, 
■General C. Botha, and myself. General T. Smuts could not 
be present, as he was busy keeping Colonel Bullock amused. 



220 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

At this meeting we discussed the general situation, and 
decided to send a letter to President Steyn, but our 
communication afterwards fell into the enemy's hands. In 
accordance with this letter, President Steyn and Generals 
De Wet and De la Rey joined our Government, and a 
meeting was held later on. 

The day after this meeting at Immegratie I took leave 
of my friends and began^the journey in a more leisurely 
fashion back to my commando at Kroomdraai, via Ermelo 
and Bethel. The Acting-President had made me a present 
of a cart and four mules, as they pitied us for having had 
to burn all our vehicles in escaping from Roos SenekaL 
We were thus once more seated in a cart, which added 
considerably to the dignity of our staff. How long I 
should continue to be possessed of this means of transport 
depended, of course, entirely on the enemy. My old 
coloured groom "Mooiroos,"' who followed behind leading 
my horse, evidently thought the same, for he remarked 
naively: "Baas, the English will soon fix us in another 
corner; had we not better throw the cart away?" 

We drove into Ermelo that afternoon. The dread east 
wind was blowing hard and raising great clouds of dust 
around us. The village had been occupied about half a dozen 
times by the enemy and each time looted, plundered, and 
evacuated, and was now again in our possession. At least, 
the English had left it the day before, and a Landdrost had 
placed himself in charge; a little Hollander with a pointed 
nose and small, glittering eyes,who between each sentence 
that he spoke rolled round those little eyes of his, carefully 
scanning the neighbouring hills for any sign of the English. 
The only other person of importance in the town was a 
worthy predikant, who evidently had not had his hair cut 
since the commencement of the War, and who had great 
difficulty in keeping his little black wide-awake on his head. 
He seemed very proud of his abundant locks. 



' BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 221 

There were also a few families in the place belonging 
to the Red Cross staff and in charge of the local hospitals. 
One of my adjutants was seriously indisposed, and it was 
whilst hunting for a chemist in order to obtain medicine 
that I came into contact with the town's sparse population. 
I found the dispensary closed, the proprietor having depar- 
ted with the English, and the Landdrost, fearing to get 
himself into trouble, was not inclined to open it. He grew 
very excited when we liberally helped ourselves to the 
medicines, and made himself unpleasant. So we gave him 
clearly to understand that his presence was not required 
in that immediate neighbourhood. 

Our cart was standing waiting for us in the High 
Street, and during our absence a lady had appeared on 
the verandah of a house and had sent a servant to enquire 
who we were. When we reappeared laden with our booty 
she graciously invited us to come in. She was a Mrs. P. de 
Jager and belonged to the Red Cross Society. She as]ied 
us to stay and have some dinner, which was then being 
prepared. Imagine what a luxury for us to be once more 
in a house, to be addressed by a lady and to be served 
with a bountiful repast I Our clothes were in a ragged and 
dilapidated condition and we presented a very unkempt 
appearance, which did not make us feel quite at our ease. 
Still the good lady with great tact soon put as quite 
&t home. 

We partook of a delicious meal, which we shall not 
easily forget. I cannot remember what the menu was, and 
I am not quite sure whether it would compare favourably 
with a first-class cafe dinner, but I never enjoyed a meal 
more in my existence, and possibly never shall. 

After dinner the lady related to us how on the previous 
day, when the British entered the village, there were in 
her house three convalescent burghers, who could, however^ 
neither ride nor walk. With tears in her eyes she told 



222 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

us how an English doctor and an officer had come there, 
and kicking open the doors of her neatly-kept house, had 
entered it, followed by a crowd of soldiers, who had helped 
themselves to most of the knives, forks, and other utensils. 
She tried to explain to the doctor that she had wounded 
men in the house, but he was too conceited and arrogant 
to listen to her protestations. Fortunately for them the 
men were not discovered, for the English, on leaving the 
village, took with them all our wounded, and even our 
doctor. With a proud smile she now produced this trio, 
who, not knowing whether we were friend or foe, were at 
first vere much frightened. 

I sympathised with the lady with respect to the harsh 
treatment she had received the previous day, and thanking 
her for her great kindness, warned her not to keep armed 
burghers in her house, as this was against the Geneva 
Convention. 

We told her what great pleasure it was for us to meet 
a lady, as all our women having been placed in Concentra- 
tion Camps, we had only had the society of our fellow- 
burghers. Before leaving she grasped our hands, and with 
tears in her eyes wished us God speed: — 'Good-bye, my 
friends! May God reward your efforts on behalf of your 
country. General, be of good cheer; for however dark the 
future may seem, be sure that the Almighty will provide 
for you!" I can scarcely be dubbed sentimental, yet the 
genuine expressions of this good lady, coupled perhaps 
with her excellent dinner, did much to put us into better 
spirits, and somehow the future did not seem now quite 
so dark and terrible as we were proviously inclined to 
believe. 

We soon resumed our journey, and that night arrived 
at a farm belonging to a certain Venter. We knew that 
here some houses had escaped the general destruction and 
we found that a dwelling house was still standing and that 



BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 223 

the Venter family were occupying it. It was not our prac- 
tice to pass the night near inhabited houses, as that might 
have got the people in to trouble with the enemy, but having 
off-saddled, I sent up an adjutant to the house to see if 
he could purchase a few eggs and milk for our sick com- 
panions. He speedily returned followed by the lady of the 
house in a very excited condition: — 

''Are you the General?" she asked. 

"I have that honour," I replied. " What is the matter ?" 

"There is much the matter," she retorted loudly. "I 
will have nothing to do with you or your people. You 
are nothing but a band of brigands and scoundrels, and 
you must leave my farm immediately. All respectable 
people have long since surrendered, and it is only such 
people as you who continue the War, while you personally 
are one of the ringleaders of these rebels." 

"Tut, tut," I said, "where is your husband?" 

My husband is where all respectable people ought to 
be; with the English, of course." 

"'Hands-uppers,' is that it?" answered my men in 
chorus, even Mooiroos the native joining in. "You deserve 
the D. S. 0.," I said, "and if we meet the English we 
will mention it to them. Now go back to your house 
before these rebels and brigands give you your deserts." 

She continued to pour out a flood of insults and 
imprecations on myself, the other generals, and the Govern- 
ment, and finally went away still muttering to herself. I 
could scarcely help comparing this patriotic lady to the 
one in Ermelo who had treated us so kindly. I encountered 
many more such incidents, and only mention these two 
in order to show the different views held at that time by 
our women on these matters, but in justice to our women- 
folk I should add that this kind were only a small minority. 

It was a bitterly cold night. Our blankets were very 
thin, and the wind continually scattered our fire and gave- 



224 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

us little opportunity of warming ourselves. There was no 
food for the horses except the grass. We haltered them 
close together, and each of us took it in turn to keep a 
watch, as we ran the risk at any moment of being surprised 
by the enemy, and as many in that district had turned 
traitors, we had to redouble our precautions. During the 
whole cold night I slept but little, and I fervently wished 
for the day to come, and felt exceedingly thankful when 
the sun arose and it got a, little warmer. 

Proceeding, we crossed the ridges east of Bethel, and 
as this village came in sight my groom Mooiroos exclaimed : 
"There are a lot of Khakis there. Bads.'' 

I halted, and with my field-glasses could see distinctly 
the ememy's force, which was coming from Bethel in our 
direction, their scouts being visible everywhere to the right 
and left of the ridges. While we were still discussing 
what to do, the field-cornet of the district, a certain Jau 
Davel, dashed up with a score of burghers between us and 
the British. He informed me that the enemy's forces were 
coming from Brugspruit, and that he had scattered his 
burghers in all directions to prevent them organizing any 
resistance. The enemy's guns were now firing at us, and 
although the range was a long one the ridges in which 
we found ourselves were quite bare, and afforded us no cover. 

We were therefore obliged to wheel to our right, and, 
proceeding to Klein Spionkop, we passed round the enemy 
along Vaalkop and Wilmansrust. 

At Steenkoolspruit I met some burghers, who told me 
that the enemy had marched from Springs, near Boksburg, 
and were making straight for our commando at Kroom- 
draai. We managed to reach that place in the evening 
just in time to warn our men and be off. I left a section 
of my men behind to obstruct the advance of the enemy, 
whom they met the following day, but finding the force 
too strong were obliged to retire, and I do not know 



BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 225 

exactly where they got to. At this time there were no 
less than nine of the enemy's columns in that district, and 
they all tried their level best to catch the Boers, but as 
the Boers also tried their best not to get caught, I am 
afraid the English were often disappointed. Here the 
reader will, perhaps, remark that it was not very brave 
to run away in this fashion, but one should also take our 
circumstances into consideration. 

No sooner did we attack one column than we were 
attacked in our turn by a couple more, and had then 
considerable difficulty in effecting our escape. The enemy, 
moreover, had every advantage of us. They had plenty of 
guns, and could cut our ranks to pieces before we could 
approach sufficiently near to do any damage with our 
rifles; they far surpassed us in numerical strength; they 
had a constant supply of fresh horses — some of us had no 
horses at all; they had continual reinforcements; their 
troops were well fed, better equipped, and altogether in 
better condition. Small wonder, therefore, that the War 
had become a one-sided affair. 

On the 20th of May, 1901, I seized an opportunity of 
attacking General Plumer on his way from Bethel to 
Standerton. 

We had effected a junction with Commandant Mears 
and charged the enemy, and but for their having with 
them a number of Boer families we would have succeeded 
in capturing their whole laager. We had already succeeded 
in driving their infantry away from the waggons containing 
these families, when their infantry rushed in between and 
opened fire on us at 200 paces. We could do nothing 
else but return this fire, although it was quite possible 
that in doing so we wounded one or two of our own 
women and children. These kept waving their handkerchiefs 
to warn us not to fire, but it was impossible to resist the 
infantry's volleys without shooting. Meanwhile the cavalry 

15 



226 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

replaced their guns behind the women's waggons and fired 
on us from that coign of vantage. 

Here we took 25 prisoners, 4,000 sheep and 10 horses. 
Our losses were two killed and nine wounded. The enemy 
left several dead and wounded on the field, as well as two 
doctors and an ambulance belonging to the Queensland 
Imperial Bushmen, which we sent back together with the 
prisoners we had taken. 

On this occasion the English were spared a great 
defeat by having women and children in their laager, and. 
no doubt for the sake of safety they kept these with them 
as long as possible. I do not insinuate that this was 
generally the case, and I am sure that Lord Kitchener or 
any other responsible commanding officer would loudly 
have condemned such tactics; but the fact remains that 
these unpleasant incidents occasionally took place. 

About the beginning of June, 1901' (I find it difficult 
to be accurate without the aid of my notes) another violent 
effort was made to capture the members of the Government 
and the Commandant-General. Colonel Benson now appeared 
as the new "Boer-stalker," and after making several 
unsuccessful attempts to surround them almost captured the 
Government in the mountains between Piet Retief and 
Spitskop. Just as Colonel Benson thought he had them 
safe and was slowly but surely weaving his net around 
them — I believe this was at Halhangapase — the members 
of the Government left their carriages, and packing the 
most necessary articles and documents on their horses 
escaped in the night along a footpath which the enemy 
had kindly left unguarded and passed right through the 
British lines in the direction of Ermelo. On the following 
day the English, on closing their cordon, found, as they 
usually did, naught but the burned remains of some vehicles 
and a few lame mules. 

Together with the late General Spruit, who happened 



BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 227 

to ]>e in that neighbourliood, I had been asked to march 
with a small commando to the assistance of the Government 
and the Commandant-General and we had started at once, 
only hearing when well on our way that they had succeeded 
in escaping. 

We proceeded as far as the Bankop, not knowing where 
to find them, and it was no easy matter to look for them 
amongst the British columns. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK. 

FOR ten days we searched the neighbourhood, and 
finally met one of the Commandant-General's des- 
patch-riders, who informed me of their whereabouts, which 
they were obliged to keep secret for fear of treachery. We 
met the whole party on William Smeet's farm near t'.ie 
Vaal River, every man on horseback or on a mule, wit- 
hout a solitary cart or waggon. It was a very strange sight 
to see the whole Transvaal Government on horseback. 
Some had not yet got used to this method of governing, 
and they had great trouble with their luggage, which was 
continually being dropped on the road. 

General Spruit and myself undertook to escort the 
Executive Council through the Ermelo district, past Bethel 
to Standerton, where they were to meet the members of 
the Orange Free State Government. I had now with me 
only 100 men, under Field-Cornet R. D. Young; the 
remainder I had left behind near Bethel in charge of 
General Muller and Commandants Viljoen and Groenwald, 
with instructions to keep on the alert and to fall on any 
column that ventured a little ahead of the others. 

It was whilst on my way back to tliem that a burgher 
brought me a report from General ^Sluller, informing me 
that the previous night, assisted by Commandants W. Viljoen 
and Groenwald, he had with 130 men stormed one of the 
enemy's camps at Wiimansrust, capturing the whole after 
a short resistance on the enemy's part, but sustaining a 
loss <ji six kiiled and some wounded. The camp had been 



228 



GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK 229 

under the command of Colonel Morris, and its garrison 
numbered 450 men belonging to the 5th Victorian Mounted 
Rifles. About 60 of these were killed and wounded, and 
the remainder were disarmed and released. Our haul con- 
sisted of two pom-poms, carts and waggons with teams in 
harness, and about 300 horses, the most miserable collec- 
tion of anim^ils I have ever seen. Here we also captured 
a well-known burgher, whose name, I believe, was Trotsky, 
and who was fighting with the enemy against us. He was 
brought before a court-martial, tried lor high treason, and 
sentenced to death, which sentence was afterwards car- 
ried out. 

Our Government received about this time a commu- 
nication from General Brits, that the members of the Orange 
Free State Government had reached Blankop, north of 
Stauderton, and would await us at Waterval. We hurried 
thither, and reached it in the evening of the 20th of June, 
1901. Here we found President Steyn and Generals De 
AVet, De la Rey, and Hertzog, with an escort of 150 men. 
It was very pleasant to meet these great leaders again, 
and still more pleasing was the cordiality with which they 
received us. We sat round our fires all that night relating 
to each other our various adventures. Some which caused 
great fun and amusement, and some which brought tears 
even to the eyes of the hardened warrior. General De Wet 
was then suffering acutely from rheumatism, but he showed 
scarcely any trace of his complaint, and was as cheerful 
as the rest of us. 

Next day we parted, each going separately on our 
way. We had decided what each of us was to do, and 
under this agreement I was to return to the Lydenburg 
and Middelburg districts, where we had already had such 
a narrow escape. I confess I did not care much about this^ 
but we had to obey the Commandant-General, and there 
was an end of it. Meanwhile, reports came in that oa the 



230 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

other side of the railway the burghers who had been left 
behind were surrendering day by day, and that a field- 
cornet was engaged in negotiations with the enemy about 
a general laying down of arms. I at once despatched 
General Muller there to put an end to this. 

We now prepared once more to cross the railway line, 
which was guarded more carefully than ever, and no one 
dared to cross with a conveyance of any description. We 
had, however, become possessed of a laager — a score of 
waggons and two pom-poms — and I determined to take 
these carts and guns across with me, for my men valued 
them all the more for having been captured. They were, 
in fact, as sweet to us as stolen kisses, although I have 
had no very large experience of the latter commodity. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

BLOWING UP AN ARMOURED TRAIN. 

WE approached the Hne between Balmoral and 
Brugspruit, coming as close to it as was possible 
with regard to safety, and we stopped in a "dunk" (hollow 
place) intending to remain there until dusk before 
attempting to cross. The blockhouses were only 1,000 
yards distant from each other, and in order to take our 
waggons across there was but one thing to be done, 
namely, to storm two blockhouses, overpower their garrisons, 
and take our convoy across between these twc). Fortunately 
there were no obstacles here in the shape of embankmrenta 
or excavations, the line being level with the veldt. We 
moved on in the evening (the 27th of June), the moon 
shining brightly, which was very unfortunate for us, as 
the enemy would see us and hear us long before we came 
within range. I had arranged that Commandant Groenwald 
was to storm the blockhouse on the right, and Commandant 
W. Viljoen that to the left, each with 75 men. We 
halted about 1,000 paces from the line, and here the 
sections left their horses behind and marched in scattered 
order towards the blockhouses. The enemy had been 
warned by telephone that morning of our vicinity, and all 
the pickets and outposts along the line were on the "qui 
vive." When 150 yards from the blockhouses the garrison 
opened fire on our men, and a hail of Lee-Metford bullets 
Sj)read over a distance of about four miles, the British 
soldiers firing from witliin the blockhouses and from behind 
mounds of earth. The blockhouse attacked by Commandant 



231 



232 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Viljoen offered the most determined resistance for about 
twenty minutes, but our men thrust their rifles through 
the loopholes of the blockhouses and fired within, calling 
out "hands-up" all the time, whilst the "Tommies" within 
retorted. You haven't V. M. R.'s to deal with this time ! " 
However, we soon made it too hot for them and their 
boasting was exchanged into cries for mercy, but not before 
three of our men had been killed and several wounded. 
The "Tommies" now shouted: "We surrender, Sir; lor 
God's sake stop firing." My brave field-cornet, G. Mybergh, 
who was closest to the blockhouses, answered: „A11 right 
then,' come out." The "Tommies'' answered: "Right, we 
are coming," and we ceased firing. 

Field-Cornet Mybergh now stepped up to the entrance 
of the fort, but when he reached it a shot was fired from 
the inside and he fell mortally wounded in the stomach. 
At the same time the soldiers ran out holding up their 
hands. Our burghers vrere enraged beyond measure at 
this act of treachery, but the sergeant and the men swore 
by all that was sacred that it had been an accident, and 
that a gun had gone off spontaneously whilst being thrown 
down. The soldier who admitted firing the fatal shot was 
crying like a baby and kissing the hands of his victim. 
We held a short consultation amongst the officers and 
decided to accept his explanation of the affair. I was much 
upset, however, by this loss of one of the bravest officers 
I have ever known. 

Meanwhile the fight at the other blockhouse continued. 
Commandant Groenwald afterwards informed me that he 
had approached the blockhouse and found it built of rock; 
it was, in fact, a fortified ganger's house built by the 
Netherlands South Africa Railway Company. He did not 
see any way of taking the place ; many of his men had 
fallen, and an armoured train with a search-light was 
approaching from Brugspruit. On the other side of the 



BLOWING UP ARMOURED TRAIN 233 

blockhouse we found a ditch about three feet deep and 
two feet wide. Hastily filling this up we let the carts go 
over. As the fifth one had got across and the sixth was 
standing on the lines, the armoured train came dashing 
at full speed in our midst. We had no dynamite to 
blow up the line, and although we fired on the train, it 
steamed right up to where we were crossing, smashing a 
team of mules and splitting us up into two sections. 
Turning the search-light on us, the enemy opened fire on 
us with rifles, Maxims and guns, firing grape-shot. Com- 
mandant Groenwald had to retire along the unconquered 
blockhouse, and managed somehow to get through. The 
majority of the burghers had already crossed and fled, 
whilst the remainder hurried back with a pom-pom and 
the other carts. I did not expect that the train would 
come so close to us, and was seated on my horse close to 
the surrendered blockhouse when it pulled up abruptly 
not four paces from me. The searchlight made the sur- 
roundings as light as day, and revealed the strange spec- 
tacle of the burghers, on foot and on horseback, fleeing 
in all directions and accompanied by cattle and waggons, 
whilst many dead lay on the veldt. However, we saved 
everything with the exception of a waggon and two carts, 
one of which unfortunately was my own. Thus for the 
fourth time in the war I lost all my worldly belongings, 
my clotlies, my rugs, my food, my money. 

My two commandants were now south of the line 
wdth half the men, whilst I was north of it with the 
other half. We buried our dead next morning and that 
evening I sent a message to the remainder of the com- 
mandos, telling them to cross the line at Uitkijk Station, 
south-west of Middelburg, whilst Captain Hindon was to 
lay a mine under the line near the station to blow up 
any armoured train coming down. Here we managed 
to get the rest of our laager over without much trouble. 



234 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

The "Tommies" fired furiously from the blockhouses and 
our friend the armoured train was seen approaching from 
Middelburg, whistling a friendly warning to us. It came 
full speed as before, but only got to the spot where the 
mine had been laid for it. There was a loud explosion ; 
something went up in the air and then the shrill whistle 
stopped and all was silent. 

The next morning we were all once more camped 
together at Rooihoogte. 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

TRAPPING PRO-BRITISH BOERS. 

IN the month of July, 1901, we found ourselves once 
more on the scene of our former struggles, and were 
joined here by General Muller, who had completed his 
mission south of the railway. This district having been 
scoured for three weeks by thirty thousand English soldiers, 
who had carefully removed and destroyed everything living 
or dead, one can imagine the conditions under which we 
had to exist. No doubt from a strategical point of view 
the enemy could not be expected to do otherwise than 
devastate the country, but what grieved us most waa the 
great amount of suffering this entailed to our women and 
children. Often the waggons in which these were being 
carried to imprisonment in the Concentration Camps were 
upset by the unskilful driving of the soldiers or their 
kaffir servants, and many women and children were inju- 
red in this way. 

Moreover, a certain Mrs. Lindeque was killed by an 
English bullet near Roos Senekal, the soldiers saying that 
she had passed through the outposts against instructions. 
Small wonder, therefore, that many of our women-folk 
fled with their children at the enemy's approach, leaving 
all their worldly possessions behind to fall a prey to the 
general destruction. We often came across such families 
in the greatest distress, some having taken shelter in caves, 
and others living in huts roughly constructed of half buret 
corrugated iron amongst the charred ruins of their former 
happy homes. The sufferings of our half-clad and hunger 



23^ 



28G ANGLO-BOER WAR 

burghers were small compared to the misery and privations 
of these poor creatures. Their husbands and other relations, 
however, made provision for them to the best of their 
ability, and these families were, in spite of all, compara- 
tively happy, so long as th^- were able to remain amongst 
their own people. 

Our commandos were now fairl}^ exhausted, and our 
horses needed a rest very badly, the wanderings of the 
previous few weeks having reduced them to a miserable 
condition. I therefore left General Muller near the cobalt 
mines on the Upper Olifant's River, just by the waggon 
drift, whilst I departed with 100 men and a pom-pom to 
Witpoort and Windhoek, there to collect my scattered 
burghers and reorganise my diminished commando, as well 
as to look after our food supplies. At Witpoort the bur- 
ghers who had been under the late Field-Cornet Kruge, 
and had escaped the enemy's sweeping movements, had 
repaired the mill which the English had blown up, and 
this was now working as well as before. A good stock of 
mealies had been buried there, and had remained undis- 
covered, and we were very thankful to the "bush-lancers" 
for this bounty. 

Still, things were not altogether "honey." Matters were 
rather in a critical state, as treachery was rampant, and 
many burghers were riding to and fro to the enemy and 
arranging to surrender, the faithful division being powerless 
to prevent them. AVe hat to act with great firmness and 
determination to put a stop to these tendencies and 
within a week of our arrival half a dozen persons had 
been incarcerated in Roos Senekal gaol under a charge 
of high treason. Moreover we effected a radical change in 
leadership, discharging old and war-sick officers and placing 
younger and more energetic men in command. 

Several families here were causing considerable trouble. 
When first the enemy had passed through their district 



TRAPPING PRO-BPvITISH BOERS 237 

they had no opportunity of surrendering with their 
cattle. But when the Enghsh returned, they had attempted 
to go to the enemy's camp at Belfast, taking all their 
cattle and moveables with them. At this the loyal burghers 
were furious and threatened to confiscate all their cattle 
and goods. Seeing this, these families, whom I shall call 
the Steenkamps, had desisted from their attempt to go 
over to the enemy and had taken up their abode in a 
church at Dullstroom, the only building which had not 
been destroyed, although the windows, doors and pulpit 
had long disappeared. Here they quietly awaited an 
opportunity of surrendering to the enemy, whose camp at 
Belfast was only 10 or 12 miles distant. We were very 
anxious that their cattle and sheep, of which they had a 
large number, should not go to the enemy, but we conld 
bring no charge of treachery home to them, as they were 
very smooth tongued scoundrels and always swore fealty 
to us. 

I have mentioned this as an example of the dangerous 
elements with which we had to contend amongst our own 
people, and to show how low a Boer may sink when once 
he has decided to forego his most sacred duties and turn 
against his own countrymen the weapon he had lately 
used in their defence. Such men were luckily in the 
minority. Yet I often came across cases where fathers 
fought against their own sons, and brother against brother. 
I cannot help considering that it was far from noble on 
the pajt of our enemy to employ such traitors to their 
country and to form such bodies of scoundrels as the 
National Scouts. 

Amongst all this worry of reorganising our commandos 
and weeding out the traitors we were allowed little rest 
by the enemy, and once we suddenly found them marching 
up from Helvetia in our direction. A smart body of men, 
chiefly composed of Lydenburg and Middelburg men, and 



238 . ANGLO-BOER WAR 

under the command of a newly-appointed officer, Captain 
Du Toit, went to meet the enemy between Bakendorp and 
Dullstroom, Here ensued a fierce fight, where we lost 
some men, but succeeded in arresting the enemy's progress. 
The fight, however, was renewed the next day, and the 
British having received strong reinforcements our burghers 
were forced to retire, the enemy remaining at a place 
near the "Pannetjes," three miles from Dullstroom. 

The English camp was now close to our friends, the 
Steenkamps, who were anxiously waiting an opportunity 
to become "handsuppers." They had, of course, left off 
fighting long ago, one complaining that he had a disease 
of the kidneys, another that he suffered from some other 
complaint. They would sit on the kopjes and watch the 
fighting and the various manceuvres, congratulating each 
other when the enemy approached a little nearer to them. 

I will now ask the reader's indulgence to describe one 
of our little practical jokes enacted at Dullstroom Church,^ 
which was characteristic of many other similar incidents 
in the campaign. It will be seen how these would-b& 
"hands-uppers" were caught in a little trap prepared by 
some officers of my staft'. 

My three adjutants, Bester, Redelinghuisen, and 
J. Viljoen, carefully dressed in as much "khaki" as they 
could collect, and parading respectively as Colonels Bullock, 
"Jack," and "Cooper," all of His Majesty's forces, pro- 
ceeded one fine evening to Dullstroom Church, to ascertain 
if the Steenkamps would agree to surrender and fight, 
under the British flag. They arrived there about 9 p. m.,. 
and finding that the inmates had all gono to sleep, loudly 
knocked at the door. This was opened by a certain youth- 
ful Mr. "\^an der Nest, who was staying in the church for 
the night with his brother. J. Viljoen, alias "Cooper," 
and acting as interpreter between the pseudo-English and the^ 
renegade Boers, addressed the young man in this fashion: — 



TRAPPING PRO-BRITISH BOERS 239 

"Good evening ! Is Mr. Steenkamp in? Here is a British 
officer who wishes to see him and his brother-in-law." 

Van der Nest turned pale, and hurried inside, and 
stammering, "Oom Jan, there are some people at the door," 
woke up his brother and both decamped out of the back 
door. Steenkamp's brother-in-law, however, whom I will call 
Roux, soon made his appearance and bowing cringingly, 
said with a smile : — 

"Good evening, gentlemen ; good evening." 

The self-styled Colonel Bullock, addressing *Cooper," 
the interpreter, said: "Tell Mr. Roux that we have infor- 
mation that he and his brother wish to surrender." 

As soon as "Cooper" began to interpret, Roux answered 
in broken English, "Yes, sir, you are quite right; myself 
and my brother-in-law have been waiting twelve months 
for an opportunity to surrender, and we are so thankful 
now that we are able to do so." 

"Colonel Bullock" : "Very well, then ; call your people 
out!" 

Roux bowed low, and ran back into the church, 
presently issuing with three comrades, who all threw down 
their arms and made abeyance. 

The "Colonel": "Are these men able to speak English ?" 

Roux: **No, sir." 

The ''Colonel": "Ask them if they are willing to sur- 
render voluntarily to His Majesty the King of Great Britain?" 

The burghers, in chorus: "Yes, sir; thank you very 
much. We are so pleased that you have come at last. We 
have wished to surrender for a long time, but the Boers 
would not let us get through. We have not fought against 
you, sir." 

The "Colonel": "Very well; now deHver up all your 
arms." 

And whilst the pseudo-colonel pretended to be busy 
making notes the burghers brought out their Mausers and 



240 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

cartridge-belts, handing tliem over to the masquerading 
"Tommies." 

Roux next said to the "Colonel": "Please, sir, may I 
keep this revolver? There are a few Hollanders in the 
hut yonder who said they would shoot me if I surrendered ; 
and you know, sir, that it is these Hollanders who urge 
the Boers to fight and prolong the War. Why don't you 
go and catch them? I will show you where they are." 

Resisting an impulse to put a bullet through the 
traitor's head, the "Colonel" answered briefly: "Very well, 
keep your revolver. I will catch the Hollanders early 
to-morrow." 

Roux: "Be careful, sir; Ben Viljoen is over there with 
a commando and a pom-pom." 

The „ Colonel" (haughtily): "Be at ease; my column 
will soon be round him and he will not escape this time." 

The women-folk now came out to join the party. 
They clapped their hands in joy and invited the "Colonel" 
and his men to come in and have some coffee. 

The "Colonel" graciously returned thanks. Meanwhile 
a woman had whispered to Roux : " I hope these are not 
Ben Viljoen's people making tools of us." 

"Nonsense," he answered, "Can't you see that this is 
a very superior British officer? Whereat the whole 
company further expressed their delight at seeing them. 

The "Colonel" now spoke: "Mr. Roux, we will take 
your cattle and sheep with us for safety. Kindly lend us 
a servant to help drive them along. Will you show us 
to-morrow where the Boers are?" 

Mr. Roux: "Certainly, sir, but you must not take me 
into dangerous places, please." 

The "Colonel": „Very well; I will send the waggons 
to fetch your women-folk in the morning." 

Roux gathered together his cattle and said : "I hope you 
and I shall have a whiskey together in your camp to-morrow.' 



TRAPPING PRO-BRITISH BOERS 241 

The "Colonel" answered: "I shall be pleased to see 
you," and asked them if they had any money or valuables 
they wished taken care of. But the Boers, true to the 
saying, "Touch a Boer's heart rather than his purse," 
answered in chorus: "Thank you, but we have put all 
that carefully away where no Boer will find it." 

They all bid the "Colonel" good-bye, the "Tommies" 
exchanging some familiarities with the women till these 
screamed with laughter, and then the "Colonel" and his 
commando of two men remounted their big clumsy English 
horses and rode proudly away. But pride comes before a 
fall, and they had not proceeded many yards when the 
"Colonel's" horse, stumbling over a bundle of barbed wire, 
fell, and threw his rider to the ground. Just as he had 
nearly exhausted the Dutch vocabulary of imprecations, 
the Steenkamps, who fortunately had not heard him, came 
to his assistance and with many expressions of sympathy 
helped him on his horse, Roux carefully wiping his leggings 
clean with his handkerchief. After proceeding a little 
further the "Tommies" asked their "Colonel" what he meant 
by that acrobatic performance. Whereat the "Colonel" 
answered: "That was a very fortunate accident; the 
Steenkamps are now convinced that we are English by 
the clumsy manner I rode." 

The next morning my three adjutants arrived in camp 
carrying four new Mausers and 100 cartridges each, and 
driving about 300 sheep and a nice pony. The same morning 
I sent Field-Cornet Young to arrest the brave quartette 
of burghers. He found everything packed in readiness to 
depart to the English camp, and they were anxiously 
awaiting Colonel Bullock's promised waggons. 

It was, of course, a fine "tableau" when the curtain 
rose on the farce, disclosing in the place of the expected 
English rescuers a burgher officer with a broad smile on 
his face. They were, of course, profuse in their apologies 

16 



242 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and excuses. They declared that they had been surrounded 
by hundreds of the enemy who had placed their rifles to 
their breasts, forcing them to surrender. One of them was 
now in so pitiable a condition of fear that he showed the 
field-cornet a score of certificates from doctors and quacks 
of all sorts, declaring him to be sufi"ering from every 
imaginable disease, and the field-cornet was moved to leave 
him behind. The other three were placed under arrest, 
court-martialled and sentenced to three months' hard labour, 
and to have all their goods confiscated. 

Two days later the English occupied Dullstroom, and 
the pseudo-invalid and the women, minus their belongings, 
were taken care of by the enemy, as they had wished. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

BRUTAL KAFFIRS' MURDER TRAIL. 

AT Windhoek we were again attacked by an English 
column. The reader will probably be getting weary of 
these continual attacks, and I hasten to assure him that we 
were far more weary than he can ever grow. On the first 
day of the fight we succeeded in forcing back the enemy, 
but on the second day, the fortunes of war were changed 
and after a fierce fight, in which I had the misfortune to 
lose a brave young burgher named Botha, we gave up 
arguing the matter with our foes and retired. 

The enemy followed us up very closely, and al- 
though I used the sjambok freely amongst my men 
I could not persuade them, not even by this un-gentle 
method, to make a stand against their foes, and as we 
passed Witpoort the enemy's cavalry with two guns was 
close at our heels. 

Not until the burghers had reached Maagschuur, between 
the Bothas and Tautesbergen, would they condescend to 
make a stand and check the enemy's advance. Here after 
a short but sharp engagement, we forced them to return 
to Witpoort, where they pitched camp. 

Our mill, which I have previously mentioned as being 
an important source of our food supply, was again burned 
to the ground. 

Our commandos returned to Olifant's River and at the 
cobalt mine near there joined those who had remained 
behind under General Muller. The enemy, however, who 
seemed determined, if possible, to obliterate us from the 



243 



244 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

earth's surface, discovered our whereabouts ahout the middle 
of July, and attacked us in overwhelming numbers. We 
had taken up a position on the "Randts," and offered as 
much resistance as we could. The enemy poured into us 
a heavy shell fire from their howitzers and 15-pounders, 
while their infantry charged both our extreme flanks. After 
losing many men, a battalion of Highlanders succeeded 
in turning our left flank, and once having gained this 
advantage, and aided by their superior numbers, the enemy 
were able to take up position after position, and finally 
rendered it impossible to offer any further resistance. 
Late in the afternoon, with a loss of five wounded and 
one man killed — an Irish-American, named Wilson — we 
retired through the Olifant's River, near Mazeppa Drift, 
the enemy staying the night at Wagendrift, about three 
miles further up the stream. The following morning they 
forded the river, and proceeded through Poortjesnek and 
Donkerhoek, to Pretoria, thus allowing us a little breathing 
space. I now despatched some reliable burghers to report 
our various movements to the Commandant-General, and 
to bring news of the other commandos. It was three weeks 
before these men returned, for they had on several occasions 
been prevented from crossing the railway line, and they 
finally only succeeded in doing so under great difiiculties. 
They reported that the English on the high veldt were 
very active and numerous. 

About the middle of July, I left General Muller to 
take a rest with the commando, and accompanied by half 
a score of adjutants and despatch riders, proceeded to 
Pilgrimsrust in the Lydenburg district to visit the com- 
mandos there, and allay as much as I could the dissa- 
tisfaction caused by my reorganisation. 

At Zwagerhoek, a kloof some 12 miles south of 
Lydenburg, through which the waggon track leads from 
Lydenburg to Dullstroom, I found a field-cornet with about 



KAFFIRS' MURDER TRAIL 245 

57 men. Having discussed the situation with them and 
explained matters, they were all satisfied. 

Here I appointed as field-cornet a young man of 23 
years of age, a certain J. S. Schoenman, who distinguished 
himself subsequently by his gallant behaviour. 

"We had barely completed our arrangements when we 
were again attacked by one of the enemy's columns from 
Lydenburg. At first we successfully defended ourselves, 
but at last were compelled to give way. 

I do not believe we caused the enemy any considerable 
losses, but we had no casualties. The same night we pro- 
ceeded through the enemy's line to Houtboschloop, five 
miles east of Lydenburg, where a small commando was 
situated, and having to proceed a very roundabout way, 
we covered that night no less than 40 miles. 

Another meeting of all burghers north of Lydenburg 
was now convened, to be held at a ruined hotel some 12 
miles west of Nelspruit Station, which might have been 
considered the centre of all the commandos in that district. 
I found that these were divided into two parties, one of 
which was dissatisfied with the new order of things I had 
arranged and desired to re-instate their old officers, while 
the other was quite pleased with my arrangements. The 
latter party was commanded by Mr. Piet Moll, whom I 
had appointed commandant instead of Mr. D. Schoeman, 
who formerly used to occupy that position. At the gathering 
I explained matters to them and tried to persuade the 
burghers to be content with their new commandants. 
It was evident, however, that many were not to be satisfied 
and that they were not to be expected to work harmoni- 
ously together. I therefore decided to let both commandants 
keep their positions and to let the men follow whichever 
one they chose, and I took the first opportunity of making 
an attack on the enemy so as to test the efiiciency of 
these two bodies. 



246 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Taking the two commandos with their respective two 
commandants in an easterly direction to Wit River, we 
camped there for a few days and scouted for the enemy 
on the Delagoa Bay Railway, so as to find out the best 
spot to attack. We had just decided to attack Crocodil- 
poort Station in the evening of the 1st August, when 
our scouts reported that the English, who had held the 
fort at M'pisana's Stad, between our laager in Wit River 
and Leydsdorp, were moving in the direction of Komati 
Poort with a great quantity of captured cattle. 

Our first plan was therefore abandoned and I ordered 
50 burghers of each commando to attack this column at 
M'pisana's fort at once, as they had done far too much 
harm to be allowed to get away unmolested. They were 
a group of men called "Steinacker's Horse", a corps formed 
of all the desperadoes and vagabonds to be scraped together 
from isolated places in the north, including kaffir store- 
keepers, smugglers, spies, and scoundrels of every descrip- 
tion, the whole commanded by a character of the name 

of ^ Who or what this gentleman was I have never 

been able to discover, but judging by his work and by 
the men under him, he must have been a second Musolino. 
This corps had its headquarters at Komati Poort under 
Major Steinacker, to whom was probably entrusted the 
task of guarding the Portuguese frontier, and he must 
have been given carte blanche as regards his mode of operation. 
: From all accounts the primary occupation of this corps 
appeared to be looting, and the kaffirs attached to it were 
used for scouting, fighting, and worse. Many families in 
the northern part of Lydenburg had been attacked in 
loiiely spots, and on one occasion the white men on one 
of these marauding expeditions had allowed the kaffirs to 
murder tea defencoless people with their assegais and 
hatchets, capturing their cattle and other property. In like 
saas^eE wexo massacred the relatives of Commandants 



KAFFIRS' MURDER TRAIL 247 

Lombard, Vermaak, Rodolf and Stoltz, and doubtless many 
others who were not reported to me. The reader will now 
understand my anxiety to put some check on these lawless 
brigands. The instructions to the commando which I had 
sent out, and which would reach M'pisana's in two days, 
were briefly, to take the fort and afterwards do as circum- 
stances dictated. If my men failed they would have the 
desperadoes pursue them on their swift horses, and all the 
kaffir tribes would conspire against us, so that none would 
escape on our side. A kaffir was generally understood to 
be a neutral person in this War, and unless found armed 
within our line3, with no reasonable excuse for his presence, 
we generally left him alone. They were, however, largely 
used as spies against us, keeping to their kraals in the 
daytime and issuing forth at night to ascertain our position 
and strength. They also made good guides for the English 
troops, who often had not the faintest idea of the country 
in which they were. It must not be forgotten that when 
a kaffir is given a rifle he at once falls a prey to his 
brutal instincts, and his only amusement henceforth beco- 
mes to kill without distinction of age, colour, or sex. 
Several hundreds of such natives, led by white men, were 
roaming about in this district, and all that was captured, 
plundered or stolen was equally divided among them 25 
per cent, being first deducted for the British Government. 
I have indulged in this digression in order to describe 
another phase with which we had to contend in our struggle 
for existence. I have reason to believe, however, that the 
British Commander-in-Chief, for whom I have always had 
the greatest respect, was not at that time aware of the 
remarkable character of these operations, carried on as 
they were in the most remote parts of the country; and 
there is no doubt that had he been aware of their true 
character he would have speedily brought these miscreants 
to justice. 



CHAPTER XL. 

CAPTURING A FREEBOOTER'S LAIR. 

EARLY in the morning of the 6th of August, as the 
breaking dawn was tinting the tops oftheLebombo 
Mountains with its purple dye, and the first rays of tlie 
rising sun shed a golden light over the sombre bushveldt, 
the commando under Commandants Moll and Schoeman 
were slowly approaching the dreaded M'pisana's fort. When 
within a few hundred paces of it they left the horses 
behind and slowly crept up to it in scattered order; for 
as none of us knew the arrangement or construction of 
the place, it had been arranged to advance very cautiously 
and to charge suddenly on the blowing of a whistle. 
Nothing was stirring in the fort as we approached, and 
we began to think that the garrison had departed; but 
when barely 70 yards from it the officers noticed some 
forms moving about in the trenches, which encompassed 
it. The whistle was blown and the burghers charged, a 
cheer rising from a hundred throats. Volley after volley 
was discharged from the trenches, but our burghers rushed 
steadily on, jumped into the trenches themselves and drove 
the delenders into the fort through secret passages. The 
English now began firing on us through loopholes in the 
walls and several of our men had fallen, when Comman- 
dant Moll shouted, "Jump over the wall!" A group of 
burghers rushed at the 12-foot wall, and attempted to scale it; 
but a heavy fire was directed on them and seven burghers, 
including the valiant Commandant Moll, fell severely woun- 
ded. Nothing daunted, Captain Malan, who was next in 



!48 



CAPTURING A FREEBOOTER'S LAIR 249 

command of the division, urged his men to go on, and 
most of them succeeded in jumping into the fort, whore, 

after a desperate resistance, in which Captain , 

their leader, fell mortally wounded, the whole band sur- 
rendered to us. Our losses were six burghers killed, whilst 
Commandant Moll and 12 others were severely wounded. 
The burghers found one white man killed in the fort, 
and two wounded, whilst a score of kaffirs lay wounded 
and dead. We took 24 white prisoners and about 50 kaffirs. 
I repeat that the whites were the lowest specimens of 
humanity that one can possibly imagine. 

Hardly was the fight over and our prisoners disarmed 
when a sentry we had posted on the wall called out: 

"Look out, there is a kaffir commando coming!" 

It was, in fact, a strong kaffir commando, headed by 
the chief M'pisana himself, who had come to the rescue 
of his friends of Steinacker's Horse. They opened fire on 
us at about 100 yards, and the burghers promptly returned 
their greeting, bowling over a fair number of them, at 
which the remainder retired. 

Alongside the fort were about 20 small huts, in which 
we found a number of kaffir girls. On being asked who 
ticy were, they repeated that they were the "missuses" of 
the white soldiers. Inside the captured fort we found many 
useful articles, and the official books of this band. They 
contained systematic entries of what had been plundered, 
looted and stolen on their marauding expeditions and showed 
how they had bfeen divided amongst themselves, deducting 
25 per cent, for the British Government. 

A long and extensive correspondence now took place 
about this matter between myself and Lord Kitchener. 
I wished first to know whether the gang was a recognised 
part of the British Army, as otherwise I should have to 
treat them as ordinary brigands. After some delay Lord 
Kitchener answered that they were a part of His Majesty's 



250 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Army. I then wished to know if he would undertake to 
try the men for their misdeeds, but this was refused. This 
correspondence ultimately led to a meeting between General 
Bindon Blood and myself, which was held^ at Lydenburg 
on the 27th August, 1901. 

The captured kaffirs were tried by court-martial and 
each punished according to his deserts. The 24 Englishmen 
were handed over to the enemy, after having given their 
word of honour not to return to their barbarous life. How 
far this promise was kept I do not know; but from the 
impression they made upon me I do not think they had 
much idea of what honour meant. The captured cattle which 
we had hoped to find at the fort had been sent away to 
Komati Poort a few days before our attack and according 
to their "books" must have numbered about 4,000 heads. 
Another section of this notorious corps met with a like 
fate about this time at Bremersdorp in Swaziland. They 
did not there offer such a determined resistance, and the 
Ermelo burghers captured two good Colt-Maxims and two 
loads of ammunition probably intended for Swaziland 
natives. 



CHAPTER XLI. 

AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS. 

ON August 10th, shortly after our arrival with the 
prisoners-of-war at Sabi, and while I was still dis- 
cussing with Lord Kitchener the incident related in the 
previous chapter, General Muller sent word to me from 
Olifant's River, where I had left him with my men, that 
he had been attacked by General W. Kitchener three days 
after I had left him. It appears that his sentries were 
surprised and cut off from the commandos, these being 
divided into different camps. 

The burghers who were farthest away, the Middelburg 
and Johannesburg men, had, contrary to my instructions, 
pitched camp on the Blood River, near Rooikraalj and 
were suddenly and unexpectedly attacked by the enemy 
at about two o'clock in the afternoon, whilst their horees 
were grazing in the veldt. Some horses were caught in 
time and some burghers offered a little resistance, firing 
at a short range, several men being killed on both sides. 
The confusion, however, was indescribable, horses, cattle, 
burghers and soldiers being all mixed up together. A 
pom-pom, together with its team of mules and harness, 
and most of the carts and saddles, were captured by the 
enemy. Our officers could not induce the men to make 
a determined stand until they had retired to the Mazeppa 
Drift, on the Olifant's River. Here General Muller arrived 
in the night with some reinforcements and awaited the 
enemy, who duly appeared next morning with a division 
of the 18th and 19th Hussars, and, encouraged by the 



251 



252 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

previous day's success, charged our men with a well- 
directed fire which wrought havoc in their ranks. The 
gallant Hussars were repulsed in one place, and, at another 
Major Davies (or Davis) and 20 men were made prisoners. 
At last some guns and reinforcements reached the enem}', 
and our burghers wisely retired, going as far as Eland's 
River, near the "Double Drifts," where they rested. 

On the third day General W. Kitchener had discove- 
red our whereabouts, and our sentries gave us warning 
that the enemy was approaching through the bushes, 
raising great clouds of dust. While the waggons were 
being got ready the burghers marched out, and awaited 
the English in a convenient spot between two kopjes. 
The latter rode on unsuspectingly two by two, and when 
about 100 had been allowed to pass, our men rushed out, 
cahing, "Hands up!" and, catching hold of their horses' 
bridles, disarmed about 30 men. This caused an immediate 
panic, and most of the Hussars fled (closely pursued by our 
burghers, who shot 10 or 12 of them). The Hussars left 
behind a Colt-Maxim and a heliograph for our usage. The 
ground was overgrown here with a prickly, thorny bush, 
which made it difficult for our foes to escape, and about 
20 more were overtaken and caught, several having been 
dragged from their horses by protruding branches, and 
with their face and hands badly injured by thorns, whilst 
their clothes were half torn off their bodies. 

Meanwhile the enemy continued to fire on us whilst 
retreating, and thus succeeded in wounding several of their 
own people. This running fight lasted until late in the 
evening, when the burghers slackened off their pursuit 
and returned, their losses being only one killed, Lieut. 
D. Smit, of the Johannesburg Police. The enemy's losses 
were considerable, although one could not estimate the 
exact number, as the dead were scattered over a large 
tract of ground and hidden amongst the bushes, rendering 



AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS. 253 

it difficult to find them. Weeks afterwards, when we 
returned over the same ground, we still found some bodies 
lying about the bush, and gave them decent burial. 

Our burghers were now once more in possession of 
100 fresh horses and saddles, whilst their pom-pom was 
replaced by a Colt-Maxim. General W. Kitchener now left 
us alone for a while, for which relief we were very thankful, 
and fell back on the railway line. The respite, however, 
was short-lived; soon fresh columns were seen coming up 
from Middelburg and Pretoria, and we were again attacked, 
some fighting taking place mostly on our old battlefields. 
General MuUer repeatedly succeeded in tearing up the 
railway line and destroying trains with provisions, whilst 
I had the good fortune of capturing a commissariat train, 
near Modelane, on the Delagoa Bay line; but, as I could 
not remove the goods, I was forced to burn the whole 
lot. A train, apparently with reinforcements, was also 
blown up, the engine and carriages going up in the air 
with fine effect. 



CHAPTER XLII. 

I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD. 

ABOUT the end of August, 1901, I met General Sir 
Biudon Blood at Lydenburg by appointment. We 
had arranged to discuss several momentous questions there, 
as we made little progress by correspondence. In the first place, 
we accused the English of employing barbarous kaffir tribes 
against us; in the second place, of abusing the usage of 
the white flag by repeatedly sending officers through our 
lines with seditious proclamations which we would not 
recognise, and we could only obey our own Government 
and not theirs; in the third place, we complained of their 
sending our women with similfir proclamations to us from 
the Concentration Camps and making them solemnly promise 
to do all that they could to induce their husbands to sur- 
render and thus regain their liberty. This we considered 
was a rather mean device on the part of our powerful 
enemy. There were also other minor questions to discuss 
with regard to the Red Cross. ;, ' ■ 

I went into the English line accompanied by my 
adjutants, Nel and Bedeluighuis, and my secretary, Lieu- 
tenant W. Malan. At Potloodspruit, four miles from Ly- 
denburg, I met General Blood's chief staff officer, who 
conducted us to him. At the entrance of the village a 
guard of honour had been placed and received us with 
military honours. I could not understand the meaning of 
all this fuss, especially as the streets through which we 
passed were lined with all sorts of spectators, and to my 
great discomfort I found myself the chief object of this 



254 



I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD 255 

interest. On every side I heard the question asked, "Which 
is Viljoen?" and, on my being pointed out, I often caught 
the disappointed answer, "Is that him?" "By Jove, he looks 
just like other people". They had evidently expected to 
see a new specimen of mankind. 

In the middle of the village we halted before a small, 
neat house, which I was told was General Blood's 
headquarters. The General himself met us on the thres- 
hold; a well-proportioned, kindly -looking man about 50 
years of age, evidently a genuine soldier and an Irishman, 
as I soon detected by his speech. He received us very 
courteously, and as I had little time at my disposal, we 
at once entered into our discussion. It would serve little 
purpose to set down all the details of our interview, 
especially as nothing final was decided, since whatever the 
General said was subject to Lord Kitchener's approval, 
whilst I myself had to submit everything to my 
Commandant-General. General Blood promised, however, 
to stop sending out the women with their proclamations, 
and also the oflEicers on similar missions, and the Red 
Cross question, was also satisfactorily settled. The kaffir 
question, however, was left unsettled, although General 
Blood promised to warn the kaffir tribes round 
Lydenburg not to interfere in the War and not to leave 
the immediate vicinity of their kraals. (Only the night 
before two burghers named Swart had been murdered at 
Doorukoek by some kaffirs, who pretended to have done 
this by order of the English). The interview lasted about 
an hour, and besides us two. Colonel Curran and my 
secretary, Lieutenant Malan, were present. General Blood 
and his staff conducted us as far as Potloodspruit, where 
we took leave. The white flag was replaced by the rifle, 
and we returned to our respective duties. 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

MRS. Botha's baby and the "tommy." 

IN September, 1901, after having organized the commandos 
north of Lydenburg, I went back with my suite to 
join my burghers at Ohfant's River, which I reached at 
the beginning of September. The enemy had left General 
Muller alone after the affair with the Hussars. Reports 
were coming in from across the railway informing us that 
much fighting was going on in the Orange Free State and 
Cape Colony, and that the burghers were holding their 
own. This was very satisfactory news to us, especially as 
we had not received any tidings for over a month. I 
again sent in a report to our Commandant-General relating 
my adventures. 

We had much difficulty in getting the necessary food 
for the commandos, the enemy having repeatedly crossed 
the country between Roos Senekal, Middelburg, and 
Rhenosterkop, destroying and ravaging everything. I 
therefore resolved to split up my forces, the corps known 
by the name of the "Rond Commando" taking one portion 
through the enemy's lines to Pilgrimsrust, North of 
Lydenburg, where food was still abundant. Fighting- 
General Muller was left behind with the Boksburg Police 
and the Middelburg Commando, the Johannesburg corps 
going with me to Pilgrim's Rest, where I had my 
temporary headquarters. Wo had plenty of mealies in this 
district and also enough cattle to kill, so that we could 
manage to subsist. on these provisions. We had long since 
dispensed with tents, but the rains in the mountain regions 



256 



MRS. BOTHA'S BABY 257 

of Pilgrim's Rest and the Sabi had compelled us to find 
the burghers shelter. At the alluvial diggings at Pilgrim's 
Rest we found a great quantity of galvanized iron plates 
and deals, which, when cut into smaller pieces, could be 
used for building. We found a convenient spot in the 
mountains between Pilgrim's Rest and Kruger's Post, 
where some hundreds of iron or zinc huts were soon 
erected, affording excellent cover for the burghers. 

« Patrols were continually sent out round Lydenburg, 
and whenever possible we attacked the enemy, keeping 
him well occupied. We succeeded in getting near his 
outposts from time to time and occasionally capturing 
some cattle. This seemed to be very galling to the Enghsh, 
and towards the end of September we found they were 
receiving reinforcements at Lydenburg. This had soon 
become a considerable force, in fact in November they 
crossed the Spekboom River in great numbers, and at 
Kruger's Post came upon our outposts, when there was 
some fighting. The enemy did not go any further that 
night. The following day we had to leave these positions 
and the other side took them and camped there. Next 
day they moved along Ohrigstad River with a strong 
mounted force and a good many empty waggons, evidently 
to collect the womenfolk in that place. I had to proceed 
by a circuitous route in order to get ahead of the enemy. 
The road led across a steep mountain and through thickly 
grown kloofs, which prevented us from reaching the enemy 
until they had burnt all the houses, destroyed the seed 
plants, and loaded the families on their carts, after which 
they withdrew to the camp at Kruger's Post. We at once 
charged the enemy's rear-guard, and a heavy fight followed, 
which, however, was of short duration. The English fled, 
leaving some dead and wounded behind, also some dozens 
of helmets and "putties" which had got entangled in the 
trees. We also captured a waggon loaded with provisions 

17 



258 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and things that had been looted, such as women's clothes 
and rugs, a case of Lee-Metford ammunition and a number 
of uniforms. Some days after the enemy tried to get 
through to Pilgrim's Rest, but had to retire before our 
rifle fire. They managed, however, to get to Roosenkrans, 
where a fight of only some minutes ensued, when they 
retired to Kruger's Post. They only stopped there for a 
few days, marching back to Lydenburg at night time 
just when we had carefully planned a night attack. We 
destroyed the Spekboom River bridge shortly after, thus 
preventing the enemy's return from Lydenburg to Kruger's 
Post in a single night. Although there is a drift through 
the river it cannot be passed in the dark without danger, 
especially with guns and carts, without which no English 
column vnll march. Every fortnight I personally proceeded 
with my adjutants through the enemy's lines near Lyden- 
burg to see how the commando in the South were getting 
on and to arrange matters. 

The month of November, 1901, passed without any 
remarkable incidents. We organized some expeditions to 
the Delagoa Bay Railway, but without much success, and 
during ^ne of these the burghers succeeded in laying a 
mine near Hector's Spruit Station during the night. They 
were lying in ambush next day waiting for a train to 
come along when a "Tommy" went down the line and 
noticed some traces of the grounji having been disturbed 
which roused his suspicions. He saw the mine and took 
the dynamite out. Two burghers who were lying in the long 
grass shouted "Hands up." Tommy threw his rifle down 
and with his hands up in the air ran up to the burghers 
saying, before they could speak, "I say, did you hear the 
news that Mrs. Botha gave birth to a son m Europe?" 

They could not help laughing, and the "Tommy," 
looking very innocent, answered: 

*I am not telling you a he." 



MRS. BOTHA'S BABY 259 

One of the burghers coaxed him by telhng him they 
did not doubt his word, only the family news had come 
so prematurely. 

"Well," returned "Tommy," "Oi thought you blokes 
would be interested in your boss's family, that's why 
I spoke." 

The courteous soldier was sent back with instructions 
to get some better clothes, for those he had on his back 
were all torn and dirty and they were not worth taking. 

The expedition was now a failure, for the enemy had 
been warned and the sentries were doubled along the line. 

In December, 1901, we tried an attack on a British 
convoy between Lydenburg and Machadodorp. I took a 
mounted commando and arrived at Schvemones Cleft after 
four days' marching through the Sabinek via Cham Sham, 
an arduous task, as we had to go over the mountains and 
through some rivers. Some of my officers went out scouting 
in order to find the best place for an attack on the convoy. 
The enemy's blockhouses were found to be so close together 
on the road along which the convoy had to pass as to 
make it very difficult to get at it. But having come such 
a long way nobody liked to go back without having at 
least made an effort. We therefore marched during the night 
and found some hiding places along the road where we 
waited, ready to charge anything coming along. At dawn 
next day I found the locality to be very little suitable 
for the purpose we had in view, but if we were now to 
move the enemy would notice our presence from the block- 
houses. We would, therefore, either have to lie low till 
dusk or make an attack after all. We had already captured 
several of the enemy's spies, whom we kept prisoners so 
as not to be betrayed. Towards the afternoon the convoy 
came by and we charged on horseback. The English, who 
must have seen us coming, were ready to receive our 
charge and poured a heavy fire into us from ditches and 



260 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

trenches and holes in the ground. We managed to dislodge 
the enemy's outerflanks and to make several prisoners, 
but could not reach , the carts on account of the heavy 
fire from a regiment of infantry escorting the waggons. 
I thought the taking of the convoy would cost more lives 
than it was worth, and gave orders to cease firing. We 
lost my brave adjutant, Jaapie Oliver, while Captain Giel 
Joubert and another burgher were wounded. On the other 
side Captain Merriman and ten men were wounded. I do 
not knew how many killed he had. 

We went back to Schoeman's Kloof the same day, 
where we buried our comrades and attended to the woun- 
ded. The blockhouses and garrisons along the convoy road 
were now fortified with entrenchments and guns, and we 
had to abandon our plan of further attacks. It was raining 
fast all the time we were out on this expedition, which 
caused us serious discomfort. We had very few waterproofs, 
and, all the houses in the district having been burnt down, 
there was no shelter for man or beast. We slowly retired 
on Pilgrim's Rest, having to cross several swollen rivers. 

On our arrival at Sabi I received the sad tidings that 
four burghers named Gtoltz had been cruelly murdered by 
kaffirs at Witriver. Commandant Du Toit had gone there 
with a patrol and found the bodies in a shocking condition, 
plundered and cut to pieces with assegais, and, according 
to the trace, the murderers had come from Nelspruit Station. 

Another report came from General Muller at Steen- 
kampsberg. He informed me that he had stormed a camp 
during the night of the 16th December, but had been 
forced to retire after a fierce fight, losing 25 killed and 
wounded, amongst whom was the valiant Field-Cornet 
J. J. Kriege. The enemy's losses were also very heavy, 
being 31 killed and wounded, including Major Hudson. 

It should not be imagined that we had to put up 
with very primitive arrangements in every respect. Where 



MRS. BOTHA'S BABY 261 

we were now stationed, to the north of Lydenburg, we 
even had telephonic communication between Spitskop and 
Doornhoek, with call-offices at Saby and Pilgrim's Rest. 
The latter place is in the centre of the diggers' population 
here, and a moderate-sized village. There are a few 
hundred houses in it, and it is situated 30 miles north- 
east of Lydenburg. Here are the oldest goldfields known 
in South Africa, having been discovered in 1876. This 
village had so far been permanently in our possession. 
General Buller had been there with his force in 1900 but 
had not caused any damage, and the enemy had not 
returned since. The mines and big stamp-batteries were 
protected by us and kept in order by neutral persons 
under the management of Mr. Alex. Marshall. We 
established a hospital there under the supervision of Dr. 
A. Neethling. About forty families were still in residence 
and there was enough food, although it was only simple 
fare and not of great variety. Yet people seemed to be 
very happy and contented so long as they were allowed 
to live among their own people. 



CHAPTER XLIV. 

THE LAST CHRISTMAS OP THE WAR. 

DECEMBER, 1901, passed without any important in- 
cident. We only had a few insignificant outpost 
skirmishes with the British garrison at Witkhp to the south 
of Lydenburg. Both beUigerents in this district attempted 
to annoy each other as much as possible by blowing up 
each other's mills and storehouses. Two of the more ad- 
venturous spirits amongst my scouts, by name Jordaan and 
Mellema, succeeded in blowing up a mill in the Lydenburg 
district used by the British for grinding corn, and the 
enemy very soon retaliated by blowing up one of our 
mills at Pilgrim's Rest. As the Germans say, "Alle gute 
dingen sind drei". Several such experiences and the occa- 
sional capture of small droves of British cattle were all the 
incidents worth mentioning. It was in this comparatively 
quiet manner that the third year of our campaign came to 
a termination. The War was still raging and our lot was 
hard, but we did not murmur. We decided rather to ex- 
tract as much pleasure and amusement out of the Christmas 
festivities as the extraordinary circumstances in which we 
found ourselves rendered possible. 

The British for the time being desisted from troubling 
us, and our stock and horses being in excellent condition, 
we arranged to hold a sort of gymkhana on Christmas 
Day. In the sportive festivities of the day many interesting 
events took place. Perhaps the most noteworthy of these 
were a mule race, for which nine competitors entered, and 
a ladies' race, in which six fair pedestrians took part. The 



262 



LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAE 263 

spectacle of nine burly, bearded Boers urging their asinine 
steeds to top speed by shout and spur provoked quite as 
much honest laughter as any theatrical farce ever excited. 
We on the grand stand were but a shaggy and shabby 
audience, but we were in excellent spirits and cheered 
with tremendous gusto the enterprising jockey who won 
this remarkable "Derby". Shabby as we were, we sub- 
scribed £ 115 in prizes. After the sports I have just described 
the company retired to a little tin church at Pilgrim's 
Rest, and there made merry by singing hj'-mns and songs 
round a little Christmas tree. 

Later in the evening a magic-lantern, which we had 
captured from the British, was brought into play, and 
with this we regaled 90 of our juvenile guests. The building 
was crowded and the utmost enthusiasm reigned. The 
ceremony was opened by the singing of hymns and the 
making of speeches, a harmonium adding largely to the 
enjoyment of the evening. I felt somewhat nervous when 
called upon to address the gathering, for the children were 
accompanied by their mothers, and these stared at me 
with expectant eyes as if they would say, "See, the General 
is about to speak; his words are sure to be full of wisdom." 
I endeavoured to display great coolness, and I do not 
think I failed very markedly as an extemporaneous orator. 
I was helped very considerably in the speechmaking part 
of the programme by my good friends the Rev. Neethling 
and Mr. W. Barter, of Lydenburg. I have not now the 
slightest idea of what I spoke about except that I con- 
gratulated the little ones and their mothers on being- 
preserved from the Concentration Camps, where so many 
of their friends were confined. 

I have mentioned that there were young ladies with 
us who participated in the races. These were some whom 
the British had kindly omitted to place in the Concen- 
tration Camps, and it was remarkable to see how soon 



264 ANGLO-BOER WAR 



i 



certain youthful and handsome burghers entered into 
amorous relations with these young ladies, and matters 
developed so quickly that I was soon confronted with a 
very curious problem. We had no marriage officers handy, 
and I, as General, had not been armed with any special 
authority to act as such. Two blushing heroes came to 
me one morning accompanied by cHnging, timorous young 
ladies, and declared that they had decided that since I 
was their General I had full authority to marry them. 
I was taken aback by this request, and asked, "Don't you 
think, young fellows, that under the circumstances you 
had better wait a little till after the termination of the 
war?" *Yes," they admitted, "perhaps it would be more 
prudent. General, but we have been waiting three years 
already!" 

In General De la Rey's Commando, which comprised 
burghers from eight large districts, it had been found 
necessary to appoint marriage officers, and quite a large 
number of marriages were contracted. I mention this to 
show how diversified are the duties of the Boer general 
in war-time, and what sort of strange offices he is some- 
times called upon to perform. 

It will be seen from what I have said that occasionally 
. the dark horizon of our veldt life was lit up by the bright 
sunshine of the lighter elements of life. At most times 
our outlook was gloomy enough, and our hearts were 
heavily weighed down by cares. I often found my thoughts 
involuntarily turning to those who had so long and so 
faithfully stood shoulder to shoulder with me through all 
the vicissitudes of war, fighting for what we regarded as 
our holy right, to obtain which we were prepared to 
sacrifice our lives and our all. Unconsciously I recalled on 
this Christmas Day the words of General Joubert addressed 
to us outside Ladysmith in 1899: "Happy the Africander 
who shall not survive the termination of this War." Time 



LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAR 265 

will show, if it has uot already shown, the wisdom of 
General Joubert's words. 

Just about this time rumours of various kinds were 
spread abroad. From several sources we heard daily that 
the War was about to end, that the English had evacuated 
the country because their funds were exhausted, that 
Russia and France had intervened, and that Lord Kitchener 
had been captured by De Wet and liberated on condition 
that he and his troops left South Africa immediately. It 
was even said that General Botha had received an invitation 
from the British Government to come and arrange a Peace 
on "independence" lines. 

Nobody will doubt that we on the veldt were desper- 
ately anxious to hear the glad tidings of Peace. We were 
weary of the fierce struggle, and we impatiently awaited 
the time when the Commandant-General and the Government 
should order us to sheathe the sword. 

But the night of the Old Year left us engaged in the 
fierce conflict of hostilities, and the dawn of the New Year 
found us still enveloped in the clouds of war — clouds whose 
blackness was relieved by no silver lining. 



' CHAPTER XLV. 

MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT. 

THE first month of 1002 found the storm of death and 
destruction still unabated, and the prospect appeared 
as dark as at the commencement of the previous year. 
Our hand, however, was on the plough, and there was no 
looking back. My instructions were, "Go forward and 
persevere". 

To the south of Lydenburg, where a section of my 
commando under General MuUer was operating, the enemy 
kept us very busy, for they had one or more columns 
engaged. We, to the north of Lydenburg, had a much 
calmer time of it than our brethren to the south, of that 
place, for there the British were pursuing their policy of 
exhausting our people with unsparing hand. I attribute 
the fact that we in the north were left comparatively un- 
disturbed to the mountainous nature of the country. It 
would have been impossible for the British to have captured 
us or to have invaded our mountain recesses successfully 
without a tremendous force, and, obviously, the British 
had no such force at their disposal. Probably also the 
British had some respect for the prowess of my commando. 
An English officer afterwards told me in all seriousness 
that the British Intelligence Department had information 
that I was prowling round to the north of Lydenburg 
with 4,000 men and two cannons, and that my men were 
so splendidly fortified that our position was unconquerable. 
Of course, it was not in my interest to enlighten him upon 
the point. I was a prisoner-of-war when this amusing 



MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT 267 

information was given me, and I simply answered: "Yes, 
your intelligence oflBcers are very smart fellows." The 
officer then inquired, with an assumption of candour and 
innocence, whether it was really a fact that we had still 
cannon in the field. To this I retorted: "What would you 
think if I put a similar question to a British officer who 
had fallen into my hands ?" At this he bit his thumb and 
stammered : "I beg your pardon ; I did not mean to — er — 
insult you." He was quite a young chap this, a conceited 
puppy, affecting the "haw-haw," which seems to be epidemic 
in the British Army. His hair was parted down the centre, 
in the manner so popular among certain British officers, 
and this style of hair-dressing came to be described by 
the Boers as "middelpaadje" (middle-path). As a matter 
of fact, my men only numbered as many hundreds as the 
tliousands attributed to me by the British. As for cannons, 
they simply existed in the imagination of the British 
Intelligence Department. 

Affairs were daily growing more critical. Since the 
beginning of the year we had made several attempts at 
destroying the Delagoa Bay Railway, but the British had 
constructed so formidable a network of barbed wire, and 
their blockhouses were so close together and strongly 
garrisoned, that hitherto our attempts had been abortive. 
The line was also protected by a large number of armoured 
trains. 

In consequence of our ill-success in this enterprise, 
we turned our attention to other directions. We reconnoitred 
the British garrisons in the Lydenburg district with the 
object of striking at their weakest point. A number of my 
officers and men proceeded under cover of darkness right 
through the British outposts, and gained the Lydenburg 
; village by crawling on their hands and knees. On their 
I return journey they were challenged and fired on several 
times, and managed only with difficulty to retipn to camp 



268 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

unhurt. The ebject of the reconnaissance was, however, 
accomphshed. They reported to me that the village was 
encompassed with barbed wire, and that a number of 
blockhouses had been built round it, and also that various 
large houses of the village had been barricaded and were 
strongly occupied. My two professional scouts, Jordaan and 
Mellema, had also reconnoitred the village from another 
direction, and had brought back confirmatory information 
and the news that Lydenburg was occupied by about 2,000 
British soldiers, consisting of the Manchester Regiment and 
the First Royal Irish, together with a corps of "hands- 
uppers" under the notorious Harber. Three other Boer spies 
scouting about the forts on the Crocodile Heights also 
brought in discouraging reports. 

At the Council of War which then took place, and 
over which I presided, these reports were discussed, and 
we agreed to attack the two blockhouses nearest the village, 
and there-after to storm the village itself. I should mention 
that it was necessary for us to capture the blockhouses before 
attempting to take the village itself, for had we left them intact 
we should have run the danger of having our retreat cut off. 

The attack was to take place next night, and as we 
approached the British lines on horseback, between Spek- 
boom River and Potloodspruit, we dismounted, and pro- 
ceeded cautiously on foot. One of the objective blockhouses 
was on the waggon path to the north of the village, and 
the other was 1,000 yards to the east of Potloodspruit. 
Field-Cornet Young, accompanied by Jordaan and Mellema, 
crept up to within 10 feet of one of these .blockhouses, 
and brought me a report that the barbed wire network 
which surrounded it rendered an assault an impossible 
task in the darkness. Separating my commando of 150 
men into two bodies, I placed them on either side of the 
blockhouse, sending, in the meanwhile, four men to cut 
down the wire fences. These men had instructions to give 



MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT 269 

us a signal when they had achieved this object, so that 
we could then proceed to storm the fort. It would have 
been sacrificing many in vain to have attempted to proceed 
without effecting the preliminary operation of fence cutting, 
since, if we had stormed a blockhouse without first remo- 
ving the wire, we should have become entangled in the 
fences and have offered splendid targets to the enemy at 
a very short range, and our losses would, without doubt, 
have been considerable. 

My fence-cutters stuck doggedly to their task despite 
the fact that they were being fired upon by the sentries 
on guard. It was a long and weary business, but we 
patiently waited, lying on the ground. Towards 2 o'clock 
in the morning the officer in command of the wire-cutters 
returned to us, stating that they had accomplished their 
object in cutting the first wire barrier, but had come across 
another which it would require several hours to cut through. 
The sentries had, in the meantime, grown unpleasantly 
vigilant, and were now frequently firing on our men. They 
were often so close that at one time, in the darkness, they 
might have knocked up against the Boers who were 
cutting their fences. 

It being very nearly 3 o'clock, it appeared to me that 
the attempt would be ineffectual owing to the approach 
of daylight, and we were forced to retire before the rays 
of the rising sun lit the heavens and exposed us to the 
well-aimed fire of the British. I therefore resolved, after 
consulting my officers, to retire quietly, and. to renew my 
attempt a week later at another point. We returned to 
camp much disappointed, but consoled ourselves with the 
hope that success would attend our next efforts. 



CHAPTER XLVI. 

I AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED. 

I MAY say that the barbed wire fences by which the 
blockhouses were encompassed, constituted very for- 
midable obstacles to our attacks. Our men were compara- 
tively few, and we could not afford to lose any of them in 
futile attempts to capture strongly garrisoned British forts. 
Moreover, there were many other ways of inflicting damage 
on the enemy that did not lay us open to so much 
danger. 

Heavy and continuous rains had been experienced for 
some time, and the rivers and spruits were greatly swollen. 
The whole of the Lydenburg district, in which we were 
operating, was besides enveloped in a thick mist, and both 
these causes rendered reconnoitring very difl&cult and peri- 
lous, as we never knew how near the enemy's patrols 
might be. 

About the 15th of January, 1902, 1 obtained information 
that our Government were being chased all over the country, 
and had now encamped at Windhoek near DuUstroom, 
to the south of Lydenburg. At the same time I received 
an order from Acting-President Schalk Burger, stating that 
he wished to see me. This latter intelligence was very 
acceptable, for I was anxious to renew acquaintance with the 
President, and with a personal friend of mine, Mr. J. C. 
Krojk, who was attached to the Field Government. The- 
refore, on receiving this instruction, I set out from Pilgrim's 
Rest accompanied by Adjutants Nel, Coetzee, Bester, and 
Potgieter, for the place where the Government were encam- 



270 



AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED 271 

ped. I little expected as I rode along that this would be 
my last and most fateful expedition. 

I calculated that I should be away eight days, and, 
wishing to be present at any active operations that might 
be conducted, I instructed my brother, whom I left in 
charge of my forces, to make no attack during my absence. 
After leaving Pilgrim's Rest, I and my companions rode 
briskly forth along the path past Dornbock, Roodekrans 
and Kruger's Post. We encamped at the latter place at 
night-fall. Next day we again set out, and having succeeded 
in passing the British forts and blockhouses to the north 
of Lydenburg, we came upon the Spekboom River. This 
river was so swollen by the recent rains that no fording 
was possible, and we were only able to cross by making 
our horses swim. At one o'clock we reached Koodekraus, 
and off-saddled there. This place is about 15 miles to 
the west of Lydenburg. At dawn the next day, after having 
reconnoitred the country in the neighbourhood, we pro- 
ceeded cautiously in the direction of Steenkampsberg until 
we were met by messengers, who told us precisely where 
our Government was to be found. That evening we found 
our locomotive Administration encamped at Mopochsburgen, 
to which place they had retreated before a hostile column, 
which was operating from Belfast. 

The greetings that were exchangd were of the heartiest 
character, and we sat chatting round the camp fires far 
into the night. That we had much to talk about and many 
stories to relate of the vicissitudes of war needs no saying. 
I personally received the very lamentable tidings that my 
sister, her husband, and three of their children had died 
in the Concentration Camp at Pietersburg. 

Two days after we arrived, the Government received 
a report from General Muller stating that two hostile columns 
were approaching. We had not long to wait. The enemy 
attacked us in the afternoon, but did not succeed in driving 



272 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

us from our position. We were not, however, in a position 
to sustain a long battle, owing to scarcity of ammunition. 
Many of our burghers had only five cartridges left and 
some had not even one. Therefore, that same night — I 
think it was the 21st of January although I had lost count 
of dates — the Government, whom I accompanied, departed 
and proceeded to the Kloof Oshoek, between Dullstroom 
and Lydenburg. The weather was very unpropitious, rain 
falling in torrents, and as may be understood, we were 
in a sad plight. We were protected by nothing except our 
mackintoshes, and greatly envied a member of the party 
who was the proud possessor of a small piece of canvas. 

It had been decided that the Government should 
proceed on the 25th of January from Oshoek to Pilgrim's 
Rest, but the information that the British were not pressing 
their pursuit, caused them to give up this project, for it 
was thought advisable to await the enemy's next move. 
I should here mention that the further the Government 
were chased, the more difficult they found it to keep up 
communications with the Commandant-General and the 
Orange Free State Government. With the latter, however, 
despatches were being exchanged concerning very important 
matters which I consider it as still improper to disclose. 
The Government having determined not to proceed, I 
decided to bid farewell, and to proceed with my attendants 
on the way to Pilgrim's Rest. 

Accordingly, on the 25th of January, we left the 
Government at Oshoek and rode along to Zwagerhoek, 
where we remained till sundown. We were now nearing 
the enemy's country, and so, having carefully reconnoitred 
the ground, we set forth cautiously at dusk. Two young 
Boers, who were also on the road to Pilgrim's Rest, had 
meanwhile joined us, and, including my kaffir servant, 
our party comprised eight persons. We soon passed the 
fateful spot where Commandant Schoenman had been 



AMJCUSHED AND CAPTUP.ED 273 

captured in the early part of the "War, and forded the 
Spekboom Eiver. 

I am not surperstitious, but I must confess that somehow 
or other I experienced considerable disquietude about this 
time, and felt cold shivers running down my back. We 
were just approaching Bloomplaats, which is about two 
and half miles to the west of Lydenburg, when we observed 
something moving. A deadly silence enveloped the country, 
and the brightly shining moon gave a weird appearance to 
the moving objects in the distance which had attracted 
our attention. Our suspicions were aroused and we went 
in pursuit, but soon lost sight of the object of our quest. 
We discovered afterwards that our suspicions were well- 
founded, and that the moving objects were kaJBir spies, 
who returned to the British lines and reported our 
approach. Having failed in this enterprise we returned to 
the road, I riding in advance with Adjutant Bester, the 
others following. Presently we approached a deep spruit, 
and having dismounted, we were cautiously leading our 
horses down the steep bank, when suddenly we found 
ourselves the centre of a perfect storm of bullets. We were 
completely taken by surprise, and almost before we realised ■ 
what had happened, we found ourselves confronted by two 
rows of British soldiery, who shouted "Hands up," and 
fired simultaneously. Bullets whistled in. every direction. 
The first volley laid my horse low, and I found myself 
on the ground half stunned. When I recovered some- 
what and lilted my head, I discovered myself surroun- 
ded, but the dust and the flash of firing prevented me 
from seeing much of what occurred. It seemed hopeless 
to attempt escape, and I cried excitedly that I was ready 
to surrender. So loud, however, was the noise of shouting 
that my cries were drowned. One soldier viciously pressed 
his gun against my breast as if about to shoot me, but 
thrusting the barrel away, I said in English that I saw 

18 



274 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

no chance of escape, that I did not defend myself, and 
there was no reason therefore why he should kill me. 
While I was talking he again drove his rifle against me, 
and I, having grasped it firmly, a very animated argument 
took place, for he strongly resented my grasping his gun. 
Outstretching my hand I asked "Tommy" to help me up, 
and this he did. I afterwards learned that the name of 
my assailant was Patrick, and that he belonged to the 
Irish Rifles. 

Four or five soldiers now took charge of me, and at 
my request consented to conduct me to an oiBBcer, Just 
as they were about to lead me away, however, they all 
fell fliit upon their chests, and directed, their fire at an 
object, which turned out later to be a bush. I very soon 
discovered that the "Tommies" were not very circumspect 
in their fire, and I sought safety by lying on the ground. 
Having discovered the innocent nature of their target, my 
guards conducted me before one of their officers, a young 
man named Walsh, who seemed to belong to the British 
Intelligence Department. This officer enquired, "Well, what 
is it?" I answered him in his own language, "My name 
is Viljoen, and not wishing to be plundered by your 
soldiers, I desire to place myself under the protection of 
an officer." He was quite a minor officer this Mr. Walsh, 
but he said kindly, "All right, it is rather a lucky haul, 
sir; you look quite cool, are you hurt?" I replied that I 
was not hurt, though it was a miracle that I was still 
alive, for a bullet had struck my chest, and would have 
penetrated had my pocket-book not stopped it. The fact 
was, that my pocket-book had served the providential 
service of the proverbial bible or pack of cards. Bester 
was with me, and not seeing my other adjutants, I enquired 
■what had become of them. Walsh did not reply at once, 
and one of the "Tommies" standing close by said, "Both 
killed, sor." This information was a terrible blow to me. 



AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED 275 

Major Orr, of the Royal Irish Regiment, was in charge 
of the force that had captured me, and presently I was 
taken before him. He greeted me most courteously and 
said, "I believe we are old friends, General Viljoen; at 
least you captured some of my comrades in that regrettable 
affair at Belfast." I was greatly touched by Major Orr's 
kindness, and asked that I might see those of my men 
who had been killed. He immediately consented, and led 
me a few paces aside. My gaze was soon arrested by a 
heartrending spectacle. There on the ground lay the two 
lifeless forms of my brave and faithful adjutants, Jacobus 
Nel and L. Jordaan. As I bent over their prostrate bodies 
my eyes grew dim with the sad tears of my great bereave- 
ment. Major Orr stood uncovered by my side, touched 
by my deep emotion and paying homage to the brave 
dead. "These men were heroes," I said to him with broken 
voice. "They followed me because they loved me, and they 
fearlessly risked their lives for me several times." The 
good Major was full of sympathy, and made provision for 
the decent burial of my poor comrades at Lydenburg. 

Bester and I were now conducted under an escort 
of 150 soldiers with fixed bayonets to the village, which 
was two and a half miles ofif. We reached Lydenburg very 
wet and gloomy, after having waded through a drift whose 
waters reached up to our armpits. Major Orr did his best 
to console us both with refreshment and kind words. 

Our procession was presently joined by an officer of 
the British Intelligence Department, and this gentleman 
told me that he knew of the approach of my party, and 
that the chief object of the British in attacking us was 
to capture our itinerant Government, who they learned 
were to accompany us. He was very anxious to know 
where the Government was, and whether it was intended 
that they should pass that way. But I answered his queries 
by telling him that it was quite unworthy of a gentleman 



276 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

to put such questions to me, and to attempt to exploit 
my most unfortunate position. 

Arriving at the village, I was treated with great 
courtesy, and was introduced by Major Orr to Colonel 
Guinness, the commanding officer. Colonel Guinness declared 
that he regarded it as an honour to have a man of my 
rank as a prisoner-of-war, and that we had fought so 
frequently that we were quite old friends. I thanked him 
for his compliment, expressing, however, my regret that 
we had renewed aquaintance under such unfortunate cir- 
.cumstances. 

^....^ "That is the fortune of war," said the Colonel. "You 
have nothing to be ashamed of. General." We were treated 
very well by our captors, and were given accommodation 
in the apartments of my old friend Captain Milner, who 
now filled the office of Provost-Marshal. My meeting with 
this gentleman was very cordial, and we sat up till nearly 
daybreak relating our different adventures since we had 
last met at Roos Senekal, where the worthy Captain was 
made prisoner by me. He assured me that his regiment 
entertained the highest respect for me and my burghers, 
and that they appreciated the fact that we had fought 
fairly and gallantly and had well-treated our prisoners- 
of-war, Bester and I remained under Milner's care throug- 
hout our stay at Lydenburg, and I shall always remember 
with gratitude the kindness extended me by the officers 
of the Royal Irish Regiment. 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA. 

WE were kept at Lydenburg until about the 30th of 
January, 1902, and during our stay there I 
obtained leave to write a letter to my burghers. In this 
I acquainted them and my brother with what had occurred, 
and exhorted them to keep up their hearts and persevere. 
Although kindly treated at Lydenberg, I cannot adequately: 
describe the feeling of disappointment and sorrow which 
my enforced inaction caused me. I would have given: 
anything to have been able to return to my commando, : 
and felt that I would rather have been killed than have 
fallen into the enemy's hands. Being thus rendered: 
impotent I could but curse my fate. 

Friendships which are formed on the veldt are strong 
indeed, and the men who have lived together through all 
the vicissitudes of war for twenty-eight months — through 
sunshine and rain, happiness and sorrow, prosperity and 
adversity — become attached one to another with lasting 
affections. My sufferings hit me very keenly. Besides the 
sadness which separation from my companions caused me, 
I acutely felt my position as, having been before in the 
habit of commanding and of being obeyed by others, I 
was now subject to the humiliation of having to .obey the 
orders of British privates. 

"We prisoners were conveyed from Lydenburg to 
Machadodorp under the charge of Colonel Urenston, of 
the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, with an escort of: 
2,000 men. I was at a loss to know why so large a force 

277 



278 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

should have Ijeen sent to guard me, but this seemingly 
exaggerated precaution was soon explained when I was 
told that Lord Kitchener had given special orders that 
great care was to be taken to prevent my commando from 
rescuing me. I must say that there was not much chance 
of that occurring. Colonel Urenston was a very courteous 
soldier, and treated me as well as could be expected. 

Reaching Machadodorp four days later, I was handed 
over at Dalmanutha Station to Captain Pearson, a staff 
officer, who subsequently conducted me and my fellow 
prisoners to Pretoria. Some days after my arrival there I 
was taken before Lord Kitchener, and was received very 
courteously by him at his office. My interview with this 
great General lasted about half an hour. The Commander- 
in-Chief of the British Army in South Africa impressed me 
as being a real soldier, a man possessed of a strong will 
not marred by arrogance. 

I did not know what the British military authorities 
proposed to do with me, and felt quite indifferent as to 
the matter. At dawn on the third day after my arrival I 
was awakened by a soldier and informed that I was to be 
taken to the station. The train was in readiness when I 
arrived, and the officer in charge invited me to take a seat 
in his compartment. I was then told that we were to 
proceed to Durban, but no information was given me as 
to my ultimate destination. 

On the train we prisoners were treated with great 
courtesy, but on reaching Durban a different experience 
awaited us. Here I was placed under the charge of 
Colonel EUet, a very irascible person. This Colonel greeted 
me with the information that he was quite delighted that 
I had been captured. He repeated tiiis gratuitous insult 
three times, and, my patience being exhausted, I asked 
him to be kind enough to tell me where he was instructed 
to convey me, and not to cause me unnecessary pain by 



SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA 279 

his taunts. He apologised lamely and told me that I was 
to proceed on board ship. This very much surprised me, 
and I remarked that I had already been taken from home 
and hearth 500 miles. This ill-tempered creature then 
leaned back arrogantly in his armchair, puffing at his cigar, 
and said: "Well, ah, you are banished, don't you know. 
You are to be sent to St. Helena, or as we call it, 'The 
Rock.' You will shortly embark. It is a large ship you 
are going in; it is called — ah, let me see, oh, yes, the 
Britannica. I will proceed to the station and order your 
kit, and in the meantime you must sign this parole and 
report yourself forthwith at the docks." I said in Dutch, 
which the Colonel did not understand, "Lord deliver me 
from this evil person." 

On arriving on board ship I found several other Boer 
prisoners-of-war, amongst them my old friend Erasmus, 
who masqueraded as a general in the early stages of the 
War. Never having been before upon the sea I was soon 
in the throes of mal de mer, and the prospect was certainly 
not encouraging. There was no help for it, however. 
Colonel Curtis, of the Royal Artillery, who was in charge 
of the troops on board, was a very polite and pleasant 
person, and very welcome after that extraordinary creature, 
Ellet. We were provided with good cabins and the food 
was excellent. Before leaving the Bay General Lyttelton 
visited me and showed himself very friendly. I soon found 
out that Mrs. Lyttelton was proceeding on the same boat 
to England. My company must have been rather 
unattractive, seeing that I was only well for one day 
during the whole voyage. 

The steamer was ordered to call at Cape Town, and 
when we neared this port the guard kept over us was 
strengthened. An officer remained with us continually 
and counted us every two hours to make sure that none 
of us had escaped. One day two young Boers conspired 



280 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

to make a fool of the officer, and concealed themselves in 
the lavatory. Their absence was discovered the next time 
we were counted, and the officer in charge, in a great 
state of perturbation, demanded of us what had become of 
them. We took up the joke at once, and replied that 
they had gone on shore to be shaved and would return 
at 7 o'clock. This entirely took his breath away. But 
the absurdity of the situation so got the better of us that 
we burst out into ironical laughter, and finally set our 
custodian at ease by producing the two fugitives. We were 
punished for our little joke, however, by having our 
paroles withdrawn. 

On the 19th of February the ship, with its sorrowful 
freight, steamed away from Cape Town. We prisoners, 
assembled on the upper deck, bade a very sorrowful 
farewell to the shores of our dear Fatherland. Long and 
sadly did we gaze upon the fast receding land from which 
we expected to be alienated for ever. Xotwithstanding 
our depressing circumstances, however, we attempted 
pluckily to keep up our spirits, and with laughter and 
frivolity to cheer each other. Most of us had never been 
on a ship before, and only one of our number had ever 
voyaged away from South Africa. Ours was a very 
cheerless prospect, for, although we did not know our 
exact fate, banishment for life loomed over us. The ship's 
officers were urbanity, itself, and did everything in their 
power for our comfort. I shall always remember their 
kindness, but it would have required much more than 
human effort to have made our voyage enjoyable owing 
to the fact that we suffered so intensely from sea-sickness. 

After a very cheerless and discomforting voyage, we 
dl'opped anchor on the 24th of February in St. Helena 
Harbour. "The Rock" rose out of the ocean, bare and 
rugged, and imprisonment upon it offered a gloomy 
prospect. No animal was visible, and foliage was wanting. 



SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA 281 

I never saw a less attractive place than Jamestown, the 
port at which we landed. The houses seemed to be 
tumbling over one another in a "kloof." We were all 
gloomily impressed, and somebody near me said, "This 
will be our living graves." I answered, "No wonder that 
Napoleon broke his heart upon this God-forsaken rock," 
I must confess that the feeling grew upon us that we were 
to be treated as ordinary criminals, since only murderers 
and dangerous people are banished to such places to be 
forgotten by mankind. 

An English officer came to me and asked what I 
thought of the Island. My feelings got the better of me, 
and I replied — "It seems a suitable place for England's 
felons, but it is very spiteful of England to deport here 
men whose only crime has been to fight for their country. 
It would have been much more merciful to have killed 
us at once than to make us drag out an existence in a 
manner so dreary." 

We were soon taken ashore by boats to Jamestown, 
and there learned to our great disgust that we were all 
to be put in quarantine for bubonic plague, and to be 
isolated at Lemon Valley, a valley in which I afterwards 
found that lemons were conspicuous by their absence. No 
greenery was to be seen in this desolate place. While 
our debarkation was proceeding one of the boats capsized, 
but, happily, everybody escaped with nothing worse than 
a ducking. 

Quarantine regulations were enforced for six days at 
Lemon Valley. The accommodation was very inadequate, 
and our culinary utensils, though not primitive, were very 
bad, the food being such as might have been the portion 
of criminals. - 

Luckily for us a British Censor named Baron von 
Ahlenfeldt, and a doctor named Casey had accompanied 
us, and owing to their instrumentality we were allowed 



282 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

"better food and treatment. At the end of our detention 
in the quarantine camp some of our number were removed 
to Broadbottom Camp, while the others were quartered at 
Deadwood Camp. Lieutenant Bathurst, who now assumed 
the position of our custodian, was a good prototype of 
friend Ellet at Durban, and he was at pains to treat us 
as felons rather than as prisoners-of-war. 



CHAPTER XLVIIL 

LIFE IN Bonaparte's prison. 

IN order to reach Broadbottom Camp we had to ascend 
a remarkably rocky cliff named "Jacob's Ladder," 
the face of which was cut into a multitudinous series of 
^teps. Having reached the summit we found a pleasing 
view of the Island opened before us. We now discovered 
that St. Helena was not the totally-barren rock we had at 
first been led to suppose. Patches of trees and greenery 
met our gaze, and in the midst of a carefully-cultivated 
plantation we espied a beautiful house, the habitation of 
the Governor of the Island. On our way we encountered 
a party of our fellow-prisoners, who, having been guilty 
of insubordination, were being taken to the dreary fort at 
High Knoll for punishment. Amongst these unfortunates 
we recognised several friends, but were not permitted to 
-talk to them. 

At sundown our destination was reached at Broad- 
bottom Camp, which is situated under High Peak. Before 
us stretched a large space enclosed by four encirclements 
of barbed wire containing the tents and houses which 
formed the temporary homes of the prisoners-of-war. 
Sentries were posted at every hundred paces. There were 
2,000 prisoners stationed here, and as they wandered 
aimlessly round they forcibly reminded me of the Israelites 
in exile. 

On entering the camp I was received by the comman- 
dant, Colonel Wright, a typical Briton, who made no 
pleasant impression upon me. I shall not be querulous, 



283 



284 ANGLO-BOER AVAH 

although the Colonel very bluntly notified to me that he 
had no instructions but to treat me in the same manner 
as the ordinary prisoners, and added that as my name 
had appeared in the list of Boer officers who were sentenced 
to banishment, he doubted whether I was entitled even 
to the treatment accorded to the ordinary prisoners-of-war. 
However, a tent was erected for me, and I and my com- 
panions in adversity were given beds and culinary utensils. 
My bed consisted of two khaki blankets and a waterproof 
sheet, and my kitchen utensils comprised a pot, a washing 
basin, a pail, two enamelled plates, two large mugs, and 
a spoon. This is a complete inventory of the articles with 
which I was provided. I and the prisoners w^ho had 
accompanied me had not tasted food throughout the whole 
day, and we would have gone supperless to bed had it 
not been that some compassionate brother prisoners minis- 
tered to our inner needs by providing us with some bully 
beef and bread, which, though but a frugal meal, was 
very welcome to us. 

Camp life of tlie kind I now experienced was weari- 
some indeed. There was nothing to do, and we tried to 
while away the time by singing psalms and songs. At 
night the camp and its environments were rendered almost 
as bright as day by the glaring light of huge naptha flares 
and by large searchlights which played round, making 
attempts tit escape hopeless. It appeared to "me that the 
searchlights were continually being turned in my direction, 
and I can assure you that I wished these glaring abomi- 
nations at Hades. The buzzing and roaring noise given 
forth by the naptha lamps, the monotonous chanting of 
the prisoners, the perpetual "All's well" of the sentries, 
and the intermingling notes of the bugle calls suffused the 
air with their distracting sounds and made me feel as if 
my head were in a maelstrom. The bugler was so amiable 
a person that he always made it a point of standing close 



LIFE IN BONAPARTE'S PRISON 285 

to my tent when launching forth to the world his shrieking 
X3alls. Happily I became acclimatised to my distasteful sur- 
roundings, or I fear I should have soon graduated as a 
patient for a lunatic asylum. 

I unhappily became at an early date acquainted with 
Colonel Price, commanding the troops on the Island. I 
shall never forget his demeanour towards me, for from 
the first hiis attitude was arrogant, cruel, and generally 
unbearable. He refused me parole, and declined to give 
me a pass beyond the confines of the camp. The unrea-. 
sonableness of this hard treatment will be seen when it 
is remembered that not the slightest possibility of escape 
from the Island existed. The close confinement began to 
play havoc with my health, and I was in the fair way 
to the hospital, when a friendly docter intervened and 
restored me to health once more. The rigid discipline and 
the stern regulations that were enforced can only be like- 
ned to what is experienced in monastic life. The "red-tape" 
curse prevailed everywhere. 

Subsequently Colonel Price modified his tone towards 
me and allowed me parole. He was also gracious enough 
to permit me and some companions to occupy a little 
house 400 paces from the camp. This was a very agreeable 
change, for now we were no longer subjected to the harsh 
treatment of the "Tommies." Our little residence rejoiced 
in the pleasantly-floral name of the "Myrtle Grove," and 
was rented by us from an old coloured lady who vigorously 
insisted upon the punctual payment of the rent, and drew 
our special attention to the fact that plucking pears in the 
garden was strictly prohibited. 

We had been told that the "Myrtle Grove" was haun- 
ted by ghosts, but the ghosts, if any there were, must 
have been pro-Boers, since they never disturbed us. But 
though we had no ghostly vis'iors we certainly had some 
of another kind. The house was perfectly infested by par- 



286 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

ticularly large and bold rats. These thieving rodents, not 
satisfied with robbing our larder, had the audacity to sup 
off our fingers and ears while we were asleep. We waged 
vigorous war against the vermin, and after condiserable 
difficulty managed to get the residence exclusively to our- 
selves. With the addition of some furniture, with which 
Colonel Wright was good enough to provide us, we made 
our house so comfortable that we felt ourselves almost in 
a position to invite the Governor to dinner. 

Our landlady, Mrs. Joshua, was the proud possessor 
of several donkeys, which were turned loose in our garden, 
and a large number of fowls. I may say that Mrs. Joshua 
was very ill-advised in keeping her fowls so near our 
house, for our cook, who had been trained in commando^ 
was unable to resist the temptation of appropriating eggs. 
It did not, however, take our landlady long to find out 
what happening, and we were informed that it was very 
much more Christianlike to purchase eggs. We took the 
hint, and adopted as far as we could Christianlike met- 
hods, though we found it extremely difficult to subscribe to 
all the principles of Christianity practised by the Islanders. 

We whiled away the time by taking daily walks, and, 
by making excursions to the house at Longwood tenanted 
by Napoleon Bonaparte for six and a half years, and to 
the grave where his remains were interred for 19 years. 
I noticed that both places were being preserved and kept 
in order by the French Government. We used to sit by 
the little fountain, where the great French warrior so 
frequently sat, and read. W^e were permitted to drink a 
glass of water from this historical spring. 

At Deadwood Camp 4,000 of my compatriots were 
confined. Some had been there for over two years, and 
I could not help admiring their discipline. It is not for 
me to criticise the entirely unnecessary restrictions to wicli 
these unfortunate prisoners were subjected, but I will point 



LIFE IN BONAPARTE'S PRISON 287 

out tliat the severity practised towards helpless prisoners 
by armed soldiers created feelings of great bitterness. It was 
a stupid policy to pursue and perhaps fateful. 

The roilitaiy authorities were entirely unacquainted 
with the character and mannerisms of the Boers, and were 
advised in this connection by so-called "Cape" or "English'* 
Afrikanders, who bear an ineradicable hatred to the Boers, 
and who always did their utmost to cause the prisoners 
to be treated with humiliation and contempt. Happily a 
number of English officers whom I met on the Island 
saw that we were not so black as we had been painted. 
Most of the officers who acted as our custodians here had' 
come direct from England and knew nothing of South 
Africa. One of these gentlemen confessed to me that when 
he left London for St. Helena he had a sort of idea that 
he was to be placed in charge of a troop of wild barbarians, 
and that he had been quite agreeably disappointed. He 
declared, indeed, that he had found that the Afrikander 
in some respects was superior to men of his own nation. 

It was undoubtedly a sad error for England to send 
officers to look after us, who, not having had any experience 
of South African warfare, were entirely ignorant of our 
idiosyncrasies and manners. The result of placing these 
inexperienced men as our guards was that one misunder- 
standing followed upon another, and that unnecessarily 
rigorous regulations were promulgated to preserve discipline 
and order. This treatment had the effect of nourishing 
within our bosoms hatred and bitterness. 

Not being desirous of having to undergo incarceration 
with my insubordinate fellow-prisoners at High Knoll Fort, 
I carefully refrained from being unruly, and practised an 
orderly and amiable demeanour. 

On one occasion I ventured to approach Colonel Price 
with a view to obtaining some amelioration in our 
treatment, and some remission of the rigorous regulations 



288 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

meted out to us. After keeping me waiting half an hour 
he came out of his office to meet me, but instead of 
extending a greeting he stared at me with ill-concealed 
amazement, probably expecting that I should jump up and 
salute him. I, however, merely rose and nodded, and 
enquired if I had the honour of addressing Colonel Price. 
He answered stiffly. "Yes, what do you want?" It was 
greatly disconcerting to be thus unceremoniously and 
discourteously greeted, and having explained my mission, 
I withdrew and took care to fight shy of this arrogant 
soldier in future. 

I may say that our little party at "Myrtle Grove" was 
a few weeks later augmented by the arrival of Vaal Piet 
Uys and Landdrost T. Kelly. . 

We had in the meantime improved our acquaintance 
with Colonel Wright, who always treated us with cordiality 
and kindness, and allowed us frequently the privilege of 
spending pleasant afternoons at his house. Mrs. Wright 
was a charming hostess, and did everything in her power 
to lessen the feeling of humiliation with which we regarded 
our sad plight. 

I should perhaps mention that St. Helena boasts of 
some elegant society. A few years before our confinement 
the Zulu chief, Dinizulu, was banished within the rocky 
bounds of this island prison. This son of Cain had during 
his detention here been invited to all the fashionable 
parties and dances, and had been honoured with an 
invitation to the Governor's house. He was f^ted at dinners 
and public festivities — but of course it must be remembered 
that Dinizulu was a kaffir and we were only Boers. Fancy, 
my Afrikander brothers, a self-respecting English young 
lady consenting to dance with this uncivilised kaffir I 
Imagine, they allowed him to dine at the same table, and 
to drive in the same carriage, with them ! I do not know 
how this information strikes my readers, but I must say 



LIFE IN BONAPARTE'S PRISON 289 

that when the Governor of the Island, an elderly gentleman 
named Sterndale, with 35 years of the Indian Civil Service 
behind him, informed me that such had been the case, I 
was rendered speechless. 

I would not have it supposed, however, that we priso- 
ners had any special ambition to attend balls and dinners, 
for we were not in the mood for festivities, and even had 
we desired we could hardly with propriety have appeared 
at these elegant boards and gatherings dressed in our 
shabby apparel. 

A number of the prisoners received permission from 
the authorities to pursue the various crafts and employments 
with which they were conversant, at the small daily wage 
of between sixpence and a shilling. This pay was a ridi- 
culously small remuneration for the large amount of work 
which the men executed. A number of trades were 
represented by us prisoners. One was a mason, another 
a farmer, a third an apothecary, while a fourth was a 
goldsmith, and so far did we go that one man was appoin- 
ted caterer for the St. Helena Club. 

Months had now passed since I had been first brought 
a captive to this island prison, and it approached the 
middle of May. Persistent though rather vague reports 
about Peace continually reached us, but owing to the 
strictness of the censors, who had an exaggerated idea of 
their duties, any news from outside came to our anxious 
ears in very small pieces, and gave us a very meagre idea 
of what was happening in South Africa and other places 
outside. That we were all praying earnestly for Peace needs 
no telling, especially if I may mention that some of my 
comrades had been incarcerated on the island for two years 
and eight months. I cannot adequately tell how wearisome 
their long exile was to them. 

Just before I was liberated from confinement, our old 
antagonists, the 3rd Battalion of "Buffs/' under Colonel 

19 



2'JO ANGLO-BOER WAR 

Biinckman, were detailed to the Island. This regiment 
had seen two years of active service in South Africa, and 
they were, therefore, soldiers who did not hold their enemies 
in contempt. 

I do not feel at this time, in view of the present 
tension of affairs, able to pursue my account further; but 
if encouraged by a sympathetic public to supplement this 
effort by a more detailed description of my imprisonment at 
St. Helena, I may in the near future again seek their 
indulgence. 

Meanwhile, I take what I hope will prove but a 
temporary leave of my readers, with the following expla- 
natory details and critical comments on the general cha- 
racteristics of the War. 



CHAPTER XLIX. 

HOW WE BLEW UP AND CAPTUEED TRAINS. 

LOOKING at the matter superficially it seems a very 
barbarous thing to derail and destroy trains with 
dynamite, but this was the only course left open to us, 
since large military stores were being continually brought 
in by the British from the coast. We honestly regretted 
that, owing to the derailment and destruction of trains, 
drivers, stokers, and often innocent passengers were launched 
into eternity. War is at best a cruel and illogical way of 
settling disputes, and the measures which the belligerent 
parties are sometimes compelled to take are of such a 
character that sentimentality does not enter into any of 
the calculations of the contending parties. 

It should not be necessary to assure my readers 
that we acted entirely within our rights in derailing 
and destroying trains. This was the only means we 
had of breaking the British lines of communication 
and of interrupting the conveyance of British troops 
and food. 

Moreover, we were more than justified in any act of train- 
derailment that we committed, by the instructions of Lord 
Wolseley as expressed in his handbook. In that well-known 
publication this distinguished soldier actually prescribes 
the use of dynamite, and even suggests the manner in 
which it may be employed to the best advantage. But 
although this train- wrecking was in every degree justifiable, 
I can assure the reader that we regarded it as a very 
unpalatable duty. I remember that when Lord Kitchener 



291 



292 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

complained to me about the destruction of a certain train, 
I sent him a reply to the following effect: — 

"That the blowing up and destroying of trains was as distasteful to 
rae as I hoped the burning of our houses was to his Excellency; and 
that when we derailed trains we entered upon the task with hearts quite 
as heavy as those which I presumed weighed down his troops when they 
deported our women and children from their homes to the Concentration 
Camps." 

I shall now describe how we went to work in the 
matter of capturing trains. That this is not so easy a 
task as appears to be supposed I shall endeavour to show. 
Perhaps the best way to exemplify our method of procedure 
would be to describe a particular instance which occurred 
in March, 1901, between Belfast and Wonderfontein on 
the Delagoa Bay Railway. The two stations are approxi- 
mately 12 miles apart. At either station a garrison had 
been established, and these were provided with two or 
three cannons and two armoured trains, which latter were 
held in readiness to proceed to any place within their 
immediate sphere of action when anything irregular occurred 
on the line. They were used besides to carry reinforcements 
and stores when needed. The armoured train was indeed 
a very important factor in the British military tactics, and 
one we had to take fully into account. The railway 
between these two stations was also guarded by block- 
houses. Every morning the British soldiers carefully 
inspected their particular section of the railway before 
trains were despatched in any direction. The peril of 
running trains at night was speedily recognised, and of 
those that attempted the journey very few indeed escaped 
capture. On the particular occasion when the incident I 
am about to relate took place, we were encamped at 
Steenkampsbergen, enjoying a little remission from the 
arduous work in which we had been engaged. But we 
were not idle, and a field-cornetcy of approximately a 
hundred men was detailed to attempt the capture of a 



HOW A¥E CAPTURED TRAINS 293 

train. I personally reconnoitred the line, and sent a field- 
cornet with instructions to lay a mine at the most favourable 
spot for the distasteful operation we were about to perform. 

Our modus operandi was to take a Martini-Henri rifle and 
saw off four inches before and behind the magazine, and 
then to so file the trigger guard that the trigger was left 
exposed. Two of the most intelligent burghers were despatched 
over night with this mutilated rifle and a packet of dyna- 
mite to the spot chosen for the mine, while two other 
burghers kept guard. 

Special precautions were taken to prevent footmarks 
being traced by the British patrols, the burghers walking 
for a considerable distance on the rails. The mine was 
prepared by carefully removing the stones from underneath 
the rails and as cautiously replacing them to again fill 
up the hole after the instruments of destruction had been 
adjusted. The trigger was placed in contact with the dyna- 
mite, and just enough above ground to be affected by the 
weight of the locomotive, but so little exposed as to be 
passed unnoticed. All surplus stones were carried off in a 
bag and great care was taken to conceal all traces of the 
mine. Gingerly and cautiously and without leaving any 
trace of their visit, the burghers now returned to their 
field-cornet and reported that all was in order. The field- 
cornetcy took up its position behind a small hill about a 
mile from the railway, and the men concealed themselves 
and their horses so ingeniously that their presence was 
not even suspected by the occupants of the blockhouse 
close by. According to our information the first train that 
was to pass next morning was the mail train carrying the 
European mails, and the prospect of capturing some news- 
papers and thus obtaining news of the outside world, from 
which we had been insolated for several months, filled us 
with pleasant expectation. I especially instructed the field- 
cornet to obtain newspapers, and to capture as much food 



294 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

and clothing as possible. It being the custom of the British 
garrisons to send scouts along the railway each day to 
examine the line, the next morning the track was as usual 
microscopically inspected, but the scouts failed to discover 
the trap which we had laid. 

Two outpost burghers lay at the top of the hill in the 
grass, and from their coign of vantage they had a clear 
view of the railway line. 

Ten o'clock in the morning arriving without a train 
appearing, my men began to grumble. In the excitement 
of this adventure they had omitted to prepare any food, 
and they were not now allowed to make fires, because the 
smoke evolved in culinary operations would have been 
immediately noticed by the enemy's outpost. We had 
therefore to remain hungry, or our well-laid plans would have 
been frustrated. Time passed on, and at 2 o'clock in the 
afternoon there were still no traces of the expected train. 
Our horses were saddled up and had been without food 
since the previous afternoon, and the poor animals also 
began to show their displeasure by whinnying and stamping 
their hoofs on the ground. The enemy's scouts had already 
inspected the line three or four times either by going over 
it on foot or by using a trolley. 

The afternoon was well advanced, and fears were 
growing in our minds that the mine had been discovered. 
I should say that it was Sunday afternoon, and that the 
mine had been laid on Saturday night. This train-wrecking 
scheme of ours was contrary to the practices of our nation, 
who regard all such acts on Sunday as a desecration of 
the Sabbath, but here I will again apply an English 
precept, "The better the day the better the deed." 

About four o'clock my outposts notified to me the 
approach of smoke, and shortly afterwards we beheld a 
train commg along. Every man of us mounted his horse, 
and we sat calmly in the safldle to observe the execution 



HOW WE CAPTURED TRAINS 295 

of our plan. We held our breaths. Perhaps the British 
had detected the mine and removed it, with the result 
that all our travail would be in vain; or they might 
possibly have sent a large force of soldiers with cannon 
on the train to give us a "good hiding" to boot. We 
watched breathlessly the progress of the train as it rapidly 
approached the fatal spot, and our hearts thumped wildly 
as we waited to see the success or failure of our enterprise. 
We had not long to wait, for with a tremendous shock 
the mine exploded, overturning the engine, and bringing 
the train to a standstill. 

We now proceeded to storm the train, but I saw the 
danger of advancing in a mass and shouted to my men 
to go carefully and spread out. When we were about 500 
feet from the train the British fired a volley at us, but 
in so doing they merely displayed by their firing that 
there were not many riflemen on the train, and that those 
that there were, shot badly and at random. Thus shown 
the weakness of the enemy, we stormed with renewed 
vigour, and on arriving at about a hundred yards distance 
we dismounted. The defenders did not face our fire long 
before displaying the white flag. I stopped fire at once 
and the train was ours. 

It was Lieutenant Crossby, of the Remount Department, 
who waved the white flag, and he now surrendered with 
about 20 "Tommies." 

Among the occupants of the train was an old major, 
and on his saying that he was very sick, and was on his 
way to the hospital, we immediately apologised for having 
disturbed him and for the delay which our little operation 
had caused him. There were eight sacks of European 
mail in the train and these we seized. We liberated the 
"Tommies" after disarming them. The Lieutenant in 
charge was the sole person detained as a prisoner-of-war, 
and he was added to six other British officers who were 



29G ANGLO-BOER WAR 

vegetating under our charge. Only a part of the train 
could be destroyed by us, as one section was occupied by 
women and children who were being transported to the 
Concentration Camps. 

On the following morning the field-cornet brought me 
the papers and said with a smile, "You see I have brought 
you what you required, General." I was overjoyed to 
obtain tidings from the outside world. The letters were 
.distributed about the laager, and there was abundance of 
reading matter. I felt rather sorry for the "Tommies" 
who were being thus mercilessly robbed of their letters, 
but I consoled myself with the thought that our phght 
was quite as bad as theirs, for we Boers had had no 
communication from any members of our families for twelve 
months, and we felt justified in making the "Tommies" 
share our misfortune. The Boers did not, however, get 
much satisfaction out of other men's epistles, and even 
those who could read English gave up the operation after 
having perused one or two, and threw away the sackfuls 
of letters with disappointed faces. 

The capture of this train was our second success. 
Shortly before we had seized a train near Pan Station and 
had obtained a splendid haul. This particular train was 
carrying Christmas presents for the British soldiers, and 
we found a miscellaneous assortment of cakes, puddings 
and other delicacies. It was very amusing that we should 
be celebrating Christmas with cakes and puddings which 
had been intended for our opponents. 

A few weeks after we had captured the train carrying 
the European mails we made another attempt at train 
wrecking, this time at Wonderfontein Station. All, too, 
went well on this occasion until we charged, and the 
British opened fire upon us with cannon. We were not 
favoured this time by any sort of cover, but had to attack 
over open ground, exposing ourselves to the heavy fire of 



HOW WE CAPTURED TRAINS 297 

the guns and the fusilade of a hundred British riflemen. 
We had chanced this time upon an armoured train, and 
the trucks which bore the cannon had remained uninjured. 
The nut was rather too hard for us to crack, and failing 
to take the train by storm, we were compelled to retire, 
after having sustained the loss of three men, of whom one 
was my brave adjutant, Vivian Cogell. From what I have 
said I think my readers will agree that the capturing of a 
train is not always a "cake and ale" operation. 



CHAPTER L. 

HOW WE FED AND CLOTHED COMMANDOS. 

AS early as March, 1901, we experienced the difficulty 
of adequately providing our commandos with the 
necessities of life. So far back as September, 1900, we had 
said good-bye at Hector's Spruit to our commissariat, and 
thence, no organized supplies existing, it may very well 
be imagined that the task of feeding the Boers was one 
of the most serious, and I may say disquieting, questions 
with which we had to deal. We were cut off from the 
world, and there was no means of importing stores. Of 
course the men who had been previously engaged on 
commissariat duty were enlisted in the fighting ranks so 
soon as they became available. From this date we had to 
feed ourselves on quite a different system. Each comman- 
dant looked after his own men and appointed two or 
three Boers whose special duty it was to ride round for 
provisions. It must not be supposed that we commandeered 
stores without signing receipts, and the storekeeper who 
supplied us was provided with an acknowledgment, coun- 
tersigned by field-cornet, commandant, and general. On 
producing this document to our Government the holder 
received probably one-third of the amount in cash and 
the balance in Government notes, better known as "blue- 
backs." By this time a large portion of the Republic had 
been occupied by the British, all food-stuffs had been 
removed or destroyed, and most of the cattle had been 
captured. In consequence, everything in the shape of food 
became very scarce. Flour, coffee, sugar &c., were now 



298 



HOW WE FED COMMANDOS 299 

regarded as delicacies remembered from the far-away past. 
The salt supplies were especially low, and we feared that 
without salt we would not be able to live, or if we did 
manage to exist, that we might bring upon ourselves an 
epidemic of disease. Our fears in this respect were incre- 
ased by the opinions expressed by our doctors, and we 
viewed our situation with considerable disquietude. Happily, 
as experience proved, our apprehensions were not in the 
least justified, for during the ten months that preceded 
my capture my burghers lived entirely without salt, and 
were at the time that I fell into the hands of the British 
as healthy as could be desired. 

Existing as we did solely on mealies and meat, pota- 
toes and other vegetables which we might chance upon 
were regarded as luxuries indeed. Though it may appear 
strange it is nevertheless a fact that we were always for- 
tunate enough to obtain adequate supplies of mealies and 
meat. We ground our mealies in coffee mills if no other 
mills were available. Mealie pap is cooked in a simple 
fashion, and occasionally boiling hot pots of it have fallen 
into the hands of the British. The British soldiers were 
not much better off than we were, for they were limited 
to bullybeef and "clinkers," though they frequently supple- 
mented their larder by stores from Boer farms, such as 
fowls, pigs, &c., and had salt, sugar, and coffee in abun- 
dance. Their culinary utensils were not rearly so primitive 
as circumstances had reduced ours to. 

Many Boers did nothing but roam round with their 
cattle, and I confess that on many occasions they excited 
my admiration by the "slim" manner in which they evaded 
capture. Boers of this description were dubbed "bushlancers," 
because Ihey always sought the thickest bushes for sanc- 
tuary. These "bushlancers" were of three kinds: There 
were some who sought by running away with their cattle 
to escape commando duty, others who hoped by retaining 



300 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

their cattle to obtain a large profit on tliem after the War 
was over, while others were so attached to their cattle 
that they would as lief have lost their own lives as have 
suffered their cattle to be taken. All three classes of "bush- 
lancers" contrived to supply us with adequate stores of food. 
Often, however, it was a difficult task to get the supplies 
out of them. When we asked them to sell us cattle we 
were frequently met by th,e reply that we had already 
taken their best cattle, that the British had taken some, 
and that the little they had left they could not do without. 
Of course we were not hindered in our purpose of obtai- 
ning food by such a reply, and we had sometimes to 
resort to force. We frequently gave these "bus-lancers" 
notice when danger threatened, but in most instances they 
were the first to discover danger, and gave us information 
as to the movements of the British. 

Everybody knows that it is a sore trial for the Boer 
to live without coffee but this national beverage disappeared 
entirely from our menu, and its loss was only partly repla- 
ced by the "mealie coffee" which we set about preparing. 
The process was a very simple one. As soon as we oft- 
saddled a hundred coffee mills were set to work. The 
mealie was roasted over a fire and afterwards treated in 
a similar manner to that by which the coffee bean is 
prepared. This "mealie coffee" made a very palatable drink, 
especially as we were frequently able to obtain milk to 
mix with it. 

We generally roasted our meat on the coals, as we 
found that without salt meat was most palatable when 
treated in this way. This is explained by the fact that the 
ashes of the fire contain a certain saline quality. We obtained 
mealies in all sorts of extraordinary ways. Sometimes we 
harvested it ourselves, but more often we found quantities 
hidden in caves or kraals. Mealies were also purchased from 
the natives. Every general did all that was possible to sow 



HOW WE FED COMMANDOS 301 

in the district in which he was operating, for the soil is 
very fruitfuL We very seldom lacked mealies, although 
the British frequently destroyed the crops we had been 
growing. There can be no doubt that when an Afrikander 
feels hungry he will find something to eat. 

I have already mentioned that sometimes when the 
British swooped down upon us they carried away our 
culinary utensils, and a question may arise in the minds 
of my readers as to how we obtained others to replace 
them. Well, we were not particular in this connection. 
We found empty tea cans and empty bully-beef tins, and 
by manipulating barbed wire we speedily converted these 
crude materials into serviceable culinary implements. We 
preferred the tar cans because the beef tins often came 
to pieces after the solder with which they are fastened 
had been subjected to the heat of the fire. I remember 
that one day our parson gave as much as five shillings 
for an empty tar can. 

Several British convoys fell into our hands, but the 
food we found on them consisted usually of bully-beef and 
''clinkers," things which only dire necessity drove us Boers 
to eat. Sometimes to our great chagrin we discovered that 
all our fighting to capture a convoy was only rewarded 
by the sight of empty trucks or ones loaded with hay and 
fodder. If perchance we were fortunate enough to capture 
a camp or a fort we contented ourselves with removing 
such coffee and sugar as we could carry away on our 
pack mules. 

The clothing question was very perplexing. AVhenever 
we were able to obtain it we bought canvas and con- 
verted it into trousers. Sheep skins we tanned and emplo- 
yed either for the purpose of making clothes or for 
patching. The hides of cattle and of horses that had 
died of disease were also tanned and employed for the 
making of boots. I may point out that no horse was 



302 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

specially slaughtered for this purpose or for the purpose 
of food. It was only General Baden-Powell and General 
White who slaughtered their horses to make sausages. 
Our best clothing supply, however, came from the British 
Army. Forgive me for saying so; I do not intend to 
be sarcastic. When we captured a convoy or a fort we 
always obtained a supply of clothes. At the beginning 
of the War we Boers had a strong prejudice against 
any garment which even faintly resembled khaki, but 
afterwards we grew indifferent and accepted khaki quite 
as readily as any other material. We generally com- 
polled our prisoners to exchange clothes with us, and 
often derived much amusement from the disgusted look 
of the sensitive Briton as he walked away in the clothes 
of a ragged Boer. Imagine the spectacle! A dandy 
English soldier, clean shaven, with a monocle adorning 
one eye, his head covered with an old war-worn slouch hat 
of broad brim, and his body with ragged jacket and 
trousers patched with sheep-skin or yarn. 

I may say that none of this systematic plundering 
occurred in my presence. But such things were certainly 
done, and, after all, who can blame a ragged burgher for 
resorting to this means, however much to be deprecated, 
of clothing himself. Remember that the poor Boers were 
prepared to pay double the value of a suit of clothes, and 
were, so to speak, cut off from the world, while the British 
soldier had simply to go back to camp to obtain a new 
outfit. "Necessity knows no law." 

In concluding this chapter I must mention that the 
lack of matches was very sensibly felt. And when our 
stock of matches was exhausted we had to resort to the 
old fashioned tinder-box and flint and steel. We found this 
expedient a very poor substitute for the lucifer match, but 
it was certainly better than nothing at all. Personally I 
experienced the greatest difficulty in getting fire from a 



HOW WE FED COMMANDOS 303: 

flint and steel, and to do it generally took me quite twice 
as long as it took anybody else, and I bruised my hands 
considerably. This latter, however, is an experience to- 
which every amateur is liable, and I was never much more- 
than an amateur at anything. 



CHAPTER LI. 



OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY. 



IN venturing on a judgment of the British soldier, from 
a military point of view, I may be told that only the 
man who has had a military training is competent to 
express an opinion upon the individual capacity of a 
soldier, be he Boer or Briton. That may be true, as long 
as people only go theoretically to work ; but after my two 
and a half years of practical experience, my military friends 
may be gracious enough to allow me to express my simple 
opinion concerning this important factor, which is undoub- 
tedly fundamental to the efficiency of any army. At the 
same time I promise to be "as impartial in my judgment 
of the Boer as of the Briton as a fighter, or, at least, as 
impartial as can be expected from a fallible Boer. 

As an officer in the Boer army I encountered the 
British soldier in many capacities and in many circum- 
stances. The officer of the regular British troops was always 
prepared to notify that he had no high opinion of the 
officers of the irregular troops. At the same time the 
volunteer officer was equally ready to heartily reciprocate 
the compliment when it was passed upon him by the 
regular. To be honest, I must say that I specifically 
give preference to the regular officer, whom I regard as 
having more initative, and as being more practical and 
less artificial than his colleague, the irregular Imperial 
officer. As regards courage I saw little to choose between 
them. I certainly can draw no great distinction, since I have 
never been in a position to fight on the same side as they. 



304 



OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY 805 

Generally speaking, I consider the British officer a 
very brave man, though I do think he sometimes is guilty 
of excess in that respect — that is to say, that he goes 
impractically to work, and, the young officer especially, 
is driven by ambition to do desperate and stupid things. 
To this foolhardiness may be largely attributed the heavy 
losses in officers suffered by the British Army in the War. 

Since I fell into British hands I have found the 
officers to whom I had been opposed on the battlefield 
treat me with the utmost magnanimity. After having been 
in personal contact with a considerable number of officers 
of various regiments I must plainly say that the British 
officer is to be encountered in only two species: He is 
either a gentleman or — the other. The officer of the first 
species is prepared to be charitable to his antagonists, 
and generally assumes an attitude of dignity and humanity; 
whereas the latter possesses all the attributes of the idiot, 
and is not only detestable in the eyes of his antagonists, 
but is also despised by his own entourage. 

There have been unfortunate British officers in this 
War, and there have been occasions when a disaster to 
the British has been immediately attributed to the acts or 
the tactics of the commanding officer. In this connection 
I will cite the regrettable instance of General Gatacre at 
Stormberg. I do not think this reverse is to be attributed 
to stupidity, or indiscretion, or cowardice. 

There is a great deal of luck attached to any adventure 
in the field, and ill-luck had pursued General Gatacre 
persistently. But undoubtedly where bad luck pursues a 
commander on more than one occasion it is not only 
expedient but necessary to dismiss such an officer, because 
his troops lose confidence in him, and their spirit is 
undermined. It has occurred in this War that incapable 
officers with good men and much luck have performed 
wonders. 



20 



306 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

The British soldier, or "Tommy," who draws a very 
poor daily pa}', for which he has to perform a tremendous 
lot of work, is, if not the most capable fighter, the most 
willing in all circumstances to offer himselt as a sacrifice 
at the altar of duty, or of what he considers his duty, to 
his country. But if "Tommy" by any accident be asked 
to deviate from the usual routine in which he has been 
trained, he is a thoroughly helpless creature. This help- 
lessness, in my opinion, is caused by exaggerated discipline, 
and by the system under which "Tommy" is not allowed 
to think for himself or to take care of himself, and this 
individual helplessness has undoubtedly been one of the 
shortcomings of the British soldier during the War. As 
regards the fortitude of the ordinary British soldier, I must 
repeat what I have already said — that he is a courageous, 
willing and faithful warrior, and that it is to his fidelity 
and patriotism that the British Army may attribute its 
success. I believe this to be a truism which will defy 
even criticism. 

There are, of course, exceptions to the courageous 
"Tommy." If I were to draw any comparison between 
the nationalities, I would say that of the soldiers with 
whom I was brought into contact on the battlefield, the 
Irishmen and the Scotsmen were better fighting men than 
the others. In regard to British soldiers generally, I would 
remark that, if they could add good shooting and ability 
to judge distances to their courage, then they would be 
perhaps perfect soldiers, and certainly be doubly dangerous 
to their foes. 

Taken as a whole "Tommy" is a very warm-hearted 
fellow, though as regards humanity some distinction must 
be drawn between the regular soldier and the enlisted 
volunteer, for the latter is less humane than the former. 
This was too clearly shown by his conduct in the trans- 
porting of women and children and in the plundering of 



OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY 307 

prison ers-of-war. But nevertheless "Tommy," generally 
speaking, whether regular or irregular, was sympathetic 
with regard to our wounded, and showed great kindness 
of heart to a maimed opponent. 

I consider that the British infantry bore the brunt of 
the fighting of this War, especially in its earlier stages. 
Where the cavalryman failed to break through our lines the 
infantryman stepped in and paved the way for him. We 
found we could always better stand an attack from cavalry 
than from infantry, for this latter, advancing as it did 
in scattered formation, was much less visible to our marks- 
men. When advancing to the attack the British foot 
soldiers were wont to crawl along on their faces, seeking 
cover whenever that was available; thus advancing, and 
especially when they were supported by artillery, these 
men proved very difficult indeed to repulse. In my opinion 
a cavalryman has no chance against a good marksman 
when he occupies a good position and is able to await 
attack. The British cavalry horses are such stupendous 
creatures that given a good rifle and a keen eye it is 
difficult for one to miss them. They certainly make 
most excellent targets. It is my firm opinion that for use- 
fulness the cavalryman cannot be compared to the moun- 
ted infantryman. Indeed, my experience during the last 
14 months of my active participation in the War taught 
me that the British mounted infantry was a very hard 
nut to crack. Of course everything depended upon the 
quality of the man and the horse. A good rifleman and a 
horseman, especially if he were able to flre when mounted, 
was a very formidable foe. As for horses, I may say that 
I do not wonder that the great unwieldy horses for which 
the British cavalrymen have such a predilection cannot 
be compared to the Basuto ponies with which we went to 
work. The African pony has, in fact proved itself to be 
the only useful horse during the campaign. The British 



308 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

cavalryman might have used elephants with almost 
much advantage as their colossal horses. Further, in my 
opinion, the cavalrymen might just as well be discontinued 
as a branch of an army, for there can be no doubt that 
the infantry, artillery, and mounted infantry will be the 
only really useful and, indeed, practicable soldiers of the 
future. 

While I was writing the above a book was placed in 
my hand written by Count Sternberg, with an introduction 
from the pen of Lieut-Colonel Henderson. I doubt very 
much whether Colonel Her.derson read the manuscript of the 
Count's book before penning his introduction, for I cannot 
suppose that he holds such small minded and fantastic ideas 
regarding South Africa as the Count expresses. In this 
memorable work some extraordinary tales are told of the 
galloping and trotting feats of the Basuto ponies. The con- 
fession that the Count makes that he did not care upon 
which side he fought so long as he fought is indeed extra- 
ordinary. That he ever fought at all the Boer officers who 
knew him strongly doubt, and none of them will wonder 
that the Count's bitterest experience in South Africa was 
that on one occasion some naughty German ambulance 
people deprived him of a box of lager-beer. This and other 
amateurs have already overwhelmed the reading public 
with so much so-called criticiem about this War, that I 
venture upon delicate ground in offering my opinion. I 
will confine myself to commenting upon w^hat I saw and 
I know personally, for I know nothing about the topo- 
graphy of Europe and I am not acquainted either with 
the composition of the European armies or with their 
manner of fighting. 



CHAPTER LII. 

THE FIGHTING BOER AlSlD HIS OFFICER. 

THERE is great difference between the relations of a 
Boer officer to his following and the relation of a 
European officer to his men, for while in the former case 
no social distinction between the two exists, in the latter 
the officers and men are drawn from two distinct branches 
of society. The Boers in their normal state are independent 
farmers differing only in wealth. One Boer might be the 
possessor of perhaps ten farms and be worth a quarter of 
a million, while another might be but a poor "bywoner" 
and not worth a hundred pence, yet the two men would 
occupy the same rank in time of war. 

Immediately martial law is promulgated the entire 
Boer adult male population is amenable for military service. 
In the ranks of a commando one finds men of every 
profession, from the advocate and doctor to the blacksmith 
and plumber. From these ranks the officers are chosen, 
and a man who one day is but an ordinary soldier might 
be the next promoted to the rank of field-cornet or com- 
mandant, and might possibly in a few days attain the 
position of a General. i 

The officer and the men that follow him have in most 
cases been drawn from the same district, and they know 
one another personally. If, therefore, a Boer falls in battle, 
whatever be his rank, his loss is keenly felt by his com- 
rades in arms, for they, having known him of old, lose 
a personal friend by his death. 

The Boer officers can be divided into two classes — the 



309 



310 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

brave and the cowardly. The brave officer fights whenever he 
gets the chance, whereas his chicken-hearted brother always 
waits for orders and makes elaborate plans to escape fighting. 
It is quite easy in the Boer Army to succeed in the course 
adopted by the latter class, and it not infrequently occurred 
that the Boers preferred this class of officer to his more 
reckless comrade, for they argued — "We like to serve under 
him because he will keep us out of danger." And just as 
the officers could be divided so could the men. 

In this campaign it was noticeable that during the 
last stages of the struggle the younger officers replaced 
the older ones. Many of these latter got tired of the War 
and surrendered to the British, others were removed from 
their commands as being too old-fashioned in their methods 
and incapable of adapting themselves to the altered cir- 
cumstances. Moreover, we found that the younger officers 
were more industrious, more mischievous, and more reckless. 
Of course, when I speak of the young Boer officers I do 
not intend to convey the idea of children of seventeen 
to twenty years of age, such as I have sometimes encoun- 
tered among the junior officers of the British Army. 

The life training of the burghers in horsemanship and 
musketry stood them in good stead. I may say that a Boer 
even early in life is a good horseman and marksman. He 
does not shoot without purpose for he can generally esti- 
mate at a glance the distance at which he is shooting, and 
he has been taught economy in the use of ammunition. 
The burgher knows perfectly well how valuable to him 
is his horse, and he is thus constrained to use his knowledge 
in carefully tending it; moreover, considerable affection 
exists, in many instances, between the master and his beast. 

Taken all round the Boer is a brave man, but his 
attitude on the battlefield is influenced very largely by the 
character of his officer. And being brave, the Boer is, in 
the main, sympathetic towards prisoners-of-war, and espe- 



THE BOER AND HIS OFFICER 311 

cially towards sucli as are wounded. Possessing bravery 
and humanity the Boer has besides what the British 
** Tommy Atkins" lacks, the power of initiative. The death 
of an officer does not throw the ranks of a Boer com- 
mando into chaos, for everybody knows how to proceed. 
It must not be supposed, however, that the death of an 
officer does not exercise a certain amount of demorahsing 
influence. What I wish to impress is that the members of 
a commando can act independently of the officer and can 
exercise their own judgment. 

As regards the fortitude of the Boers, I can best illu- 
strate it by pointing to the fact that it frequently happe- 
ned that having been repulsed with loss one day we 
attacked our conqueror with better success the next. We 
often assumed the aggressive when a favourable opportunity 
offered itself, and did not always wait to be shot at. 
Frequently we held out for hours notwithstanding severe 
punishment. 

I think even the bitterest of our enemies will allow 
that the Boers who remained faithful to their country to 
the last were animated with noble principles. Were it not 
that so many of my compatriots lacked that which is so 
largely characteristic of the British soldier, the quality of 
patriotism and the intense desire to uphold the traditions 
of his nationality, I would ask what people m the world 
would have been able to conquer the Afrikander? I say 
this with great deliberation, and I do not believe that any 
impartial compatriot will attempt to deny the truth of the 
statement. 

The question suggests itself how would the English 
have fared had they been placed in a plight similar to 
that to which we found ourselves reduced? Supposing that 
we Boers had taken London and other large towns, and 
had driven the English people before us and compelled 
them to hide in the mountains with nothing upon which 



312 ANGLO-BOER WAR 

to subsist but mealie pap and meat without salt, with only- 
worn and rent clothes as a covering, their houses burnt, 
and their women and children placed in Concentration 
Camps in the hands of the enemy. How would the English 
have acted under such circumstances? Would they not 
have surrendered to the conqueror? However that may 
be, one thing is certain, that the patriotism of a nation 
is only to be learned when put to such a severe test 
as this. 

In his book, "The Great Boer War," Dr. Conan Doyle 
has, on the whole, gained the admiration of the Afrikanders 
by his moderate language. But here and there, where he 
has been carried away by his English sympathies to use 
bitter and libellous language with respect to the Boers, 
that admiration has been changed into contempt. Dr. Conan 
Doyle attempts to defend the British Army by abusing 
the Boers. Abuse is not argument. To prove that Van der 
Merwe is a thief does not exonerate Brown from the crime 
of theft if he has been stealing. 

The author describes the shooting of Lieutenant 
Neumeyer, for refusing to surrender and for attempting 
to escape from his captors as murder, and the shooting 
of kaffir spies it also glibly described as murder; whereas, 
the incident at Frederickstad, where a number of Boers 
were shot deat by the British because they continued 
firing after hoisting the white flag, is justified by him. 
Of course, the execution of Scheepers is also justified by 
the author. I object to such things appearing in a book, 
because they must tend to sow anew the seeds of dissension, 
hate and bitterness, and these have been planted suffi- 
ciently deep without being nurtured by Dr. Conan Doyle. 
Neither Boer nor Briton can speak impartially on this 
question,' and both would be better employed in attemp- 
ting to find out the virtues rather than the vices in one 
another's characters. 






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